Gaza’s Miseries Have Palestinian Authors
Opinion Columnist
For the third time in two weeks, Palestinians in the Gaza Strip have set fire to the Kerem Shalom border crossing,
through which they get medicine, fuel and other humanitarian essentials
from Israel. Soon we’ll surely hear a great deal about the misery of
Gaza. Try not to forget that the authors of that misery are also the
presumptive victims.
There’s a
pattern here — harm yourself, blame the other — and it deserves to be
highlighted amid the torrent of morally blind, historically illiterate
criticism to which Israelis are subjected every time they defend
themselves against violent Palestinian attack.
In
1970, Israel set up an industrial zone along the border with Gaza to
promote economic cooperation and provide Palestinians with jobs. It had
to be shut down in 2004 amid multiple terrorist attacks that left 11 Israelis dead.
In
2005, Jewish-American donors forked over $14 million dollars to pay for
greenhouses that had been used by Israeli settlers until the government
of Ariel Sharon withdrew from the Strip.
Palestinians looted dozens of the greenhouses almost immediately upon Israel’s exit.
In
2007, Hamas took control of Gaza in a bloody coup against its rivals in
the Fatah faction. Since then, Hamas, Islamic Jihad and other terrorist
groups in the Strip have fired nearly 10,000 rockets and mortars from
Gaza into Israel — all the while denouncing an economic “blockade” that
is Israel’s refusal to feed the mouth that bites it. (Egypt and the
Palestinian Authority also participate in the same blockade, to zero
international censure.)
In 2014
Israel discovered that Hamas had built 32 tunnels under the Gaza border
to kidnap or kill Israelis. “The average tunnel requires 350 truckloads
of construction supplies,” The Wall Street Journal reported, “enough to build 86 homes, seven mosques, six schools or 19 medical clinics.” Estimated cost of tunnels: $90 million.
Want to understand why Gaza is so poor? See above.
Which
brings us to the grotesque spectacle along Gaza’s border over the past
several weeks, in which thousands of Palestinians have tried to breach
the fence and force their way into Israel, often at the cost of their
lives. What is the ostensible purpose of what Palestinians call “the
Great Return March”?
That’s no mystery. This week, The Times published an op-ed by Ahmed Abu Artema,
one of the organizers of the march. “We are intent on continuing our
struggle until Israel recognizes our right to return to our homes and
land from which we were expelled,” he writes, referring to homes and
land within Israel’s original borders.
His
objection isn’t to the “occupation” as usually defined by Western
liberals, namely Israel’s acquisition of territories following the 1967
Six Day War. It’s to the existence of Israel itself. Sympathize with him
all you like, but at least notice that his politics demand the
elimination of the Jewish state.
Notice,
also, the old pattern at work: Avow and pursue Israel’s destruction,
then plead for pity and aid when your plans lead to ruin.
The
world now demands that Jerusalem account for every bullet fired at the
demonstrators, without offering a single practical alternative for
dealing with the crisis.
But where is the outrage that Hamas kept urging Palestinians to move toward the fence, having been amply forewarned by Israel of the mortal risk? Or that protest organizers encouraged women to lead the charges on the fence because, as The Times’s Declan Walsh reported, “Israeli soldiers might be less likely to fire on women”? Or that Palestinian children as young as 7 were dispatched to try to breach the fence? Or that the protests ended after Israel warned Hamas’s leaders, whose preferred hide-outs include Gaza’s hospital, that their own lives were at risk?
Elsewhere
in the world, this sort of behavior would be called reckless
endangerment. It would be condemned as self-destructive, cowardly and
almost bottomlessly cynical.
The
mystery of Middle East politics is why Palestinians have so long been
exempted from these ordinary moral judgments. How do so many so-called
progressives now find themselves in objective sympathy with the murderers, misogynists and homophobes of Hamas? Why don’t they note that, by Hamas’s own admission, some 50 of the 62 protesters killed on Monday were members of Hamas?
Why do they begrudge Israel the right to defend itself behind the very
borders they’ve been clamoring for years for Israelis to get behind?
Why
is nothing expected of Palestinians, and everything forgiven, while
everything is expected of Israelis, and nothing forgiven?
That’s
a question to which one can easily guess the answer. In the meantime,
it’s worth considering the harm Western indulgence has done to
Palestinian aspirations.
No
decent Palestinian society can emerge from the culture of victimhood,
violence and fatalism symbolized by these protests. No worthy
Palestinian government can emerge if the international community
continues to indulge the corrupt, anti-Semitic
autocrats of the Palestinian Authority or fails to condemn and sanction
the despotic killers of Hamas. And no Palestinian economy will ever
flourish through repeated acts of self-harm and destructive provocation.
If
Palestinians want to build a worthy, proud and prosperous nation, they
could do worse than try to learn from the one next door. That begins by
forswearing forever their attempts to destroy it.