Tuesday, July 09, 2024

I looked up at the man sitting opposite me and then quickly down again. It felt wrong. We weren't supposed to look unrelated men in the eye.

 

Amid abuse by her schoolteacher, Dassi Erlich married a man she'd known for 8 hours.

 

This is an edited extract from In Bad Faith by Dassi Erlich, with Ellen Whinnett and is out now via Hachette.


I peeked through my eyelashes at the unfamiliar orange beard across the table and dared myself to look up. Eye contact, Mrs Leifer had reminded me on the phone just moments earlier. 'Remember to look up.' I felt my cheeks go red. I was a young woman, dressed in a long-sleeved beige jacket, a blue-and-beige skirt and seventy-denier brown tights, sitting at a round kitchen table, on my first date.

I looked up at the man sitting opposite me and then quickly down again. It felt wrong. We weren't supposed to look unrelated men in the eye.

'My name is Shua Erlich,' he began, and I was grateful it was the man’s job to initiate conversation. I'd tossed and turned all night, worried that my voice would remain constrained by the years of keeping quiet in the presence of a man. At 18 years old, I couldn't remember the last time I'd had a genuine conversation with a male that was not my father. I knew he was 23 years old, 180 centimetres tall, had a childhood interest in cricket, and was currently studying in a yeshivah (men’s religious seminary) abroad.

The matchmaker had informed my parents that his divorced parents were Jewish but not religious, and that Shua had chosen the ultra-Orthodox life as a young teenager. The rabbis he studied under raved about his ability to understand Jewish law in a way that belied his secular upbringing. It was unusual for boys to fly home to pursue a date in February. The yeshivah frowned upon midsemester engagements. I was told that Shua had flown home to meet another girl, and when she had turned him down the matchmaker had called my parents. A trip home midsemester shouldn't go to waste.

I could hear my mother pacing up and down in the adjoining room. She was here to supervise our date and ensure we didn't have any physical contact. She needn't have worried. I wouldn't dream of touching him; I could barely look at him. I spent the hour looking at the laundry door behind him and the swinging pendulum on the clock above his head. Everything I did — the way I held myself, the way I dressed, the way I spoke—was designed to avoid drawing attention to myself. To avoid drawing the attention of the men who were not supposed to see us. Gazing at women was immodest. When a rabbi was invited to address us at school, they sat behind a temporary mechitza — a partition usually made from wood or cloth—to keep them from looking at us. It was a woman's responsibility to ensure the man was not tempted by her to commit an evil sin.

I knew nothing of the sin of sex; we had been taught the sin was in the man noticing us, and being distracted from learning Torah by our femininity.

My parents had spent the last few days with the community matchmaker, finding out everything they deemed important about Shua. I'd been informed of his grades, his parents' wealth and his Torah study. I wasn't asked what was important to me; my input in this process was not required.

It would be my first date. The matchmaker had called with other offers in the last few months, but my parents had turned them down. They were too far away, lived overseas and wouldn't consider a life in Melbourne; the husband was the head of the home, and he would choose where the couple lived.

I'd spent months praying to God that I would meet my husband before I turned 19. The older I got, the more problematic the marriage scene would be for me. We were not related to any revered rabbi and had no status in the community. I could see the black marks growing against my name: my parents hadn't grown up religious, they didn’t come from money, and my mother was a dark-skinned Sephardi. Sephardi Jews, often tracing their roots to the Middle East and Africa, at times encounter racism and discrimination within Melbourne’s predominantly Eastern European Ashkenazi community. Elly, due to her darker coloured skin, had often been taunted at school with the derogatory term 'shvartze' — a Yiddish racial slur for people of colour.

Good grades and youth were on my side, but the older I got, the less often the matchmaker would call. If I turned twenty without any sign of marriage, the community would assume the problem was me. This wasn't just my impression; this knowledge was as intrinsic as the way I breathed. I must get married.

I walked up the garden path with my mother on that February day in 2005 and rang Shua's mother's doorbell, knowing that inside that double-storey house in Caulfield North could be the man I was to spend the rest of my life with.

I met Shua for the first time on a Tuesday afternoon.

We met four more times that week, always in his mother’s kitchen, while my mother supervised our 'dates' from the adjoining living room. After the first date, I mustered the courage to look up at him and quietly answer his questions about the values I envisioned instilling in our future children. The following Saturday night, he proposed, and I said yes. I had spent less than eight hours with this man before making the commitment to spend the rest of my life with him.

I'd been told that Shua would propose that night, and he knew I would say yes. The matchmaker had checked with my parents moments before our meeting. I had been given the weekend to think about this commitment. As soon as Shabbat ended, the phone had rung: the matchmaker wanted a decision.

I could have said no. I could have said no like the girl who saw Shua before I did and turned him down. I was told that I could choose, but really, there was only the illusion of choice. If I said no to Shua, it would only be so long before I sat across the table from some other man, having the same stilted conversation.

I sat across the table from Shua that Saturday night, dressed in my finest, waiting for him to begin the conversation. I looked at him carefully. Was there anything that repulsed me? He began to speak about our shared goals of building a Jewish home in God's ways. I looked harder at his orange beard and brown eyes and wondered if this was a man I could grow to love. I still didn’t understand how babies were born, but I imagined bringing up a family with him. I was filled with anxiety and doubt, but also excitement. For a second, I played out the chaos that would ensue if I reneged on my previous assurance and said no, but I knew this proposal was just a formality; it had already been decided. He finished his speech. 'Will you be my wife?' he asked. 'Yes,' I said quietly without any hesitation.

***

In the week leading up to the wedding, I set up the house with Nicole and Elly’s help, without once contemplating asking my parents if they could find us an alternative place to start our married life. A barrier had developed in my mind, one to separate Mrs Leifer's abuse from the rest of my life. It was similar to the barrier I had created as a young child around my father’s confusing hugs and then again around my mother’s abuse. I didn't consciously build these impenetrable walls; my mind created them to protect me, to allow me to move forward each day despite the trauma I faced.

The therapist I see now calls it dissociation. Back then I didn't know that it was a dissociative barrier that allowed me to climb into the same bed that Mrs Leifer had undressed me on several weeks prior, and undress myself for my new husband. I didn’t think about it at all. I hadn’t realised yet that I would never be abused by Mrs Leifer again. By the time she returned to Melbourne, I would be starting my life in Israel, and my mind would compartmentalise her abuse into a corner, where it would stay for several years.

We made small talk, each of us covering our nerves at the task ahead. He showered quickly first, then it was my turn; the door firmly closed. I put on a long nightgown and went to sit on the edge of one of the twin beds in the room. We both recited the prayer that one must say before sex, which asks God for our children to be conceived through a holy act and not through lust.

 I cried, and he quickly separated himself from me. Now that there was blood and we could no longer be together, I would need to be covered in front of him, just as I would before any other male.

I quickly put on the headscarf that I had made ready and ran out of the room to clean up. Shua changed the sheets and climbed into his bed on the other side of the room.

I crawled into my bed, hiding the pain that was my rite of passage. I felt sure that God would grant me children after the pain I had just endured for His sake.

Shua and I lay and talked until early morning, each of us eager to find out everything about the other. It was the first time we had been allowed to talk unsupervised.

This is an edited extract from In Bad Faith by Dassi Erlich, with Ellen Whinnett and is out now via Hachette.

https://www.mamamia.com.au/dassi-erlich-story/

Sneakers for the Blacks, Bibles for the Xtians, Conventions with lots of Food for the Jews...This Con-Man Got It Covered...His attendance and being honored guest speaker at the Torah Umesorah Convention, solidified his support from the lunatic fringe of the Orthodox Jewish community. How low Does God's Chosen People go?

 

Trump’s Bibles and Sneakers Campaigns Tell an Old Story About the Role of Race,  Christian Nationalism, and Jewish Conventions With Lots of Food...,Idiots & Suckers For Fake Diplomas...

 



A tale of two 3 campaigns. The image on the left comes from the former president's sneaker site, while the image on the right is featured on the God Bless the USA Bible site. 
 
In late June, national news outlets reported that former President Trump had received the largest donation of the 2024 election. Billionaire Tim Mellon’s $50 million contribution, arriving just a day after the former president’s hush-money trial, in which he was convicted on 34 charges of falsifying business records, effectively closed the gap between the pro-Trump super PAC “MAGA Inc” and the Biden campaign’s war chest. 

Although not the only substantive donation Trump has received as of late, Mellon’s contribution is credited with rescuing the Trump campaign from the financial hole it’s been in for much of the election cycle largely due to dwindling donor support and the exorbitant costs associated with his legal fees. Over the years the Trump campaign has resorted to fundraising tactics that have raised eyebrows, including one they referred to internally as the “money bomb” which, according to the New York Times, “steered supporters into unwitting donations.”

In March of this year, just days before Easter, Donald Trump held a press conference to announce the sale of his new Bible. For $59.99, Americans wishing to join the former president in “Making America Pray Again” could own what he claimed to be his “favorite book.” 

The God Bless the USA Bible (GBUSA), the only edition of the holy writ the former president endorses, includes the King James Version (KJV) of the Bible alongside the Bill of Rights, Declaration of Independence, Pledge of Allegiance, and the US Constitution. Unsurprisingly, Trump hawking the greatest story ever told elicited the expected lambasting social media posts and late-night comedy jokes; what it failed to elicit, however, was any acknowledgment of the role of race in American Christian nationalism.

His attendance and being honored guest speaker at the Torah Umesorah Convention, solidified his support from the lunatic fringe of the Orthodox Jewish community.  How low does God's Chosen People go?

So even as Cavan Concannon observed here on RD that the GBUSA “[ties] the Bible to patriotism and to Trump himself,” and Bradley Onishi noted that “there are folks who are gonna eat this up” (i.e., White evangelicals), I’m not aware of any commentator who read this moment through the lens of anti-Black racism and the history of American Christianity. This is an important distinction from the often ambiguous use of “POC,” which includes Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, and others. A recent report noted Latino evangelicals’ increasing grassroots efforts to support Trump, explicitly in favor of Christian nationalism, suggesting, as NBC News’s Dasha Burns points out, that the GBUSA might actually be a move in their direction. So if the GBUSA is a nod to Latino evangelicals, how is Trump courting Black voters? 

Despite the fact that Black Americans remain the most religious demographic in the country, this was not the intended audience for Trump’s Bible. Instead, when Trump sought to promote his latest wares, he didn’t approach Black American voters like some “low-rent televangelist,” as he had with the GBUSA, but rather as the neighborhood sneaker vendor.

Unlike the GBUSA website, The Never Surrender High-Top Sneaker site doesn’t make grand claims about patriotism and values. Moreover, there’s no formal advertising campaign, and the site is much less polished. In addition, unlike its counterpart, it lacks photos of families, celebrities, and politicians proudly brandishing the product. “The Never Surrender” sneaker page is busy, tacky, and cluttered with multi-angle images of the gold footwear (which reportedly sold out within hours), low-top options (in “T-Red” and “POTUS White”), a gold Trump superhero charm, and his Victory47 fragrance line. Anyone familiar with the aesthetics of an urban beauty supply store will unquestionably identify deep resonances on the site. 

This raises some questions: Why did the Trump team choose sneakers over Bibles when looking to court Black voters? And why the local beauty supply store and not the storefront church?

In his recent piece outlining the Republican Party’s play on racial distinctions titled “How Trump is Dividing the Minority Voters,” Ronald Brownstein opens with a line from Republican Representative Matt Gaetz: “What I can tell you,” Gaetz said earlier this year, “is for every Karen we lose, there’s a Julio and Jamal ready to sign up for the MAGA movement.” 

Racial coding and gender neutrality be damned! Brownstein rightfully notes that “Jamal,” along with “Julio,” are not only “stereotypical racial shorthand” but also gender-specific placeholders for “ Black and Latino men without a college degree”—namely, those “traditional,” cishetpat individuals who arguably may feel left behind in a so-called progressive, left-leaning, and woke America, but who aren’t entirely aligned with Trump, according to a February 2024 report from PRRI (full disclosure: I’m currently a PRRI Fellow). 

In addition to White evangelicals, the former president needs young, non-White males if he hopes to win the upcoming election. So, it’s unsurprising that when he appeared at Sneaker Con in Philadelphia this past February, although standing before a mixed crowd, including Trump-supporting Cheer Moms, his campaign hoped he would “win over more young and minority voters, particularly young Black men.” 

Or, as Fox News contributor Raymond Arroyo now-famously stated: 

This [sneaker line] is connecting with Black America because they love sneakers. They’re into sneakers…This is a big deal, certainly in the inner city. So when you have Trump roll out his sneaker line, they’re like, ‘Wait a minute; this is cool!’ He’s reaching them on a level that defies and is above politics. The culture always trumps politics, and Trump understands culture like no politician I’ve ever seen.

The assumption that Sneaker Con and not the local church is the best place to capture new Black voters is a notable shift in American politics. But the Trump campaign opting to lure Black voters with gold lamé hightops rather than a Bible should give us pause. Whether it’s a pair of kicks or the KJV, Trump’s campaign strategy operates as a curious contemporary echo of the imperial Christianity and commodification of racial hierarchy that underwrote colonial expansionism and the Transatlantic Slave Trade.

To be clear: this is not an attempt to compare Trump’s campaign strategies to the transatlantic slave trade, but rather to acknowledge that there’s a shared cultural heritage or DNA. Or, as womanist theologian Katie Cannon showed, it is part of a “theologic of racialized normativity,” first implemented by the earliest European colonizer. Within this framework, the earliest European colonizers justified monetizing the spreading of the gospel through the free labor of colonization and slavery. Thinking about Trump’s grifting tactics in this light might help us understand why all of this matters, and should not be taken for granted as politics as usual.  

Could it be that, insidious racial stereotypes aside, the Trump Campaign understands, as Albert Raboteau wrote in 2003, that “For three centuries, white and black Americans have dwelt in the same land. For at least two of those centuries, they have shared the same religion. And yet, during all those years, their national and religious identities have been radically opposed”? 

Consequently, did they opt not to market their Bible to Black Christian America because they honestly know that there’s nothing in a Christian nationalist-laden KJV Bible that will critically, much less sincerely, work to repair the most crippling effects of the Black experience that originated with chattel slavery? If so, at least we can say that, in this respect at least, their honesty is refreshing.

https://religiondispatches.org/trumps-bibles-and-sneakers-campaigns-tell-an-old-story-about-the-role-of-race-in-christian-nationalism/?utm_source=email&utm_campaign=daily