Anger grows at Israel’s ultra-Orthodox virus scofflaws, threatening rupture with secular Jews
BNEI BRAK, Israel —The Shinfelds, an ultra-Orthodox Jewish
family in this most religious of cities, are used to being a bit at odds
with the rest of Israel. Their community's tradition of large families —
the couple has 10 children and 30 grandchildren — strict observance and
exemption from military service have long created friction with the
more secular majority.
But they say they have never felt hostility like they do now, as a
pandemic-exhausted nation has turned its rage at ultra-Orthodox
scofflaws.
As Israel endures its third national lockdown,
social media has been inflamed by images of black-clad men brazenly
crowding schools, weddings and other events, including 20,000 at a
recent Jerusalem funeral of a leading rabbi. Secular critics have cast
the ultra-Orthodox, fairly or not, as superspreaders supreme, a drag
chute on the country’s race to vaccinate its way out of the coronavirus’s grip.
“Now it’s not only tense — it feels like hatred,” said Vivian
Shinfeld, 60, of the anger she feels even from some less-religious
members of her own family. “Now it is starting to feel like a war.”
The Shinfelds consider themselves “modern” ultra-Orthodox. They
wear masks, have been vaccinated and condemned the covid-19 violators
who torched a bus a few blocks from their house
in protest of lockdown restrictions. But they too have become pariahs,
ghosted by old friends and unable to get a repairman to come fix their
refrigerator.
The backlash could have cultural and political impacts well after the pandemic ends.
“There has been a schism growing for a while, and the pandemic is
making it wider,” said Tamar El-Or, an anthropology professor at Hebrew
University and longtime scholar of ultra-Orthodox culture. “When this
virus is gone, nothing is going to be same.”
The ultra-Orthodox
— or Haredim as they are known in Hebrew — largely shun modern society.
For decades, Israeli governments have accorded them autonomy in
exchange for their leaders’ support in parliament and subsidized a
lifestyle that favors Torah study over employment with welfare payments.
“It’s time that we have one law, for everyone,” said Yair Lapid, a
leader of the parliamentary opposition, in a campaign ad contrasting a
classroom empty during the lockdown with another filled with
ultra-Orthodox students.
National elections are scheduled for March 23,
and opponents have seized on the anger as a cudgel against Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is blamed for not enforcing
restrictions in a sector essential to his ruling coalition. (Just 2
percent of the fines issued last year for violating coronavirus
restrictions were in ultra-Orthodox areas, according to Be Free Israel, a
group advocating for religious pluralism.) Haredi parties, which often
serve as kingmakers in the parliament, hold 16 seats. Polls, including
one released in earlier this month by Channel 12 News, indicate 60
percent or more of all Israelis want ultra-Orthodox parties out of
government.
In January, Defense Minister Benny Gantz proposed ending the
ultra-Orthodox exemption from conscription, which is mandatory for other
Israeli Jews. Academics and business leaders are renewing their calls
for Haredi schools to teach basic math and science. Meantime, some
secular lawmakers continue to target the per-child welfare payments that
support large Haredi families.
Even within the community,
tensions are emerging between hard-liners and others who have begun to
seek education and careers outside their neighborhoods.
“You
can’t ignore it anymore,” said Hila Lefkowitz, an ultra-Orthodox
activist who is running for parliament as part of a new alternative
religious party. “The way that the Haredi society functions, with its
independence, now we are seeing the problems with that.”
The
contentious relationship between public health officials and the Haredim
goes back to the beginning of the pandemic. Most rabbinical leaders did
obey early orders to close schools and synagogues, but only
reluctantly, citing the central role of daily religious gatherings in
Haredi life.
As pandemic fatigue set in, defiance grew. Some
rabbis, complaining that secular Israelis were being allowed to gather
at mass political protests against Netanyahu each week, ordered the
religious schools, called yeshivas, to reopen. Weddings and funerals
continued, some of them drawing hundreds. Making up 12 percent of the
population, the ultra-Orthodox have accounted for more than a quarter of
positive coronavirus cases, according to Health Ministry data.
Two months into the vaccine campaign, Israel’s rate of new infections
has only just begun to bend downward. Its seven-day average of 6,952 of
new positive cases is down over three weeks from 8,624.
Government dictates, in any case, are anathema to the ultra-Orthodox,
many of whom reject state power in favor of biblical authority. As in
the United States, covid restrictions became political.
“If the government says, ‘Wear a mask,’ that’s a reason for them not to wear a mask,” said Itzhak Shinfeld.
Modern Haredim — who adhere to halacha,
or Jewish law, but don’t outright reject mainstream life — fear that
tensions between their community and wider Israeli society could rupture
the growing ties between these two worlds.
Almost two-thirds of ultra-Orthodox are under 19 and are entering
the workforce in greater numbers. According to Israel’s Central Bureau
of Statistics, more than 76 percent of Haredi women work outside the
home now, even as men still mostly chose a life of Torah scholarship.
The number of ultra-Orthodox students in higher education has more than
doubled in the past decade, although it remains below 13 percent.
Itzhak Shinfeld, who has recently been able to hire Haredi plumbers
and electricians, worries that this modest progress will be reversed if
secular politicians clamp down on the ultra-Orthodox in the name of
controlling the pandemic.
“We are in the middle of a big integration,” he said. “The minute they feel oppressed, they will close up the box again.”
Shinfeld, 61, illustrates the divide within the Haredi world. He was
born and raised in Bnei Brak, one of the country’s centers of
ultra-Orthodox life, and educated at Israel’s largest yeshiva. He still
wears the traditional broad black hat and knee pants of the Gur sect
each Sabbath and has no television in his house.
But, after
studying the Torah for an hour every morning, he works as a lawyer and
owns a construction company. During a recent weekday visit on his patio,
he wore a blue dress shirt and black yarmulke. He served in the Army in
the 1980s, reaching the rank of captain, something unthinkable for
stricter Haredim. Lockdown tensions have only widened the gap between
security forces and the ultra-Orthodox, some of whom have taken to
pelting police patrols with rocks.
“Things that were normal then are not normal now,” he said, fingering his smartphone.
Some relatively moderate members of the community say they believe
their rabbis have failed them by openly defying government closure
orders, and this, in some instances, has called into question the
male-dominated hierarchy. Some Haredi women feel emboldened now in
asking for a greater say.
“There's no more trust between the
community and its leaders,” said Lefkowitz. “So there are people who
would never have entered political life now entering.”
The
Shinfelds hold their more conservative leaders accountable leaders for
flouting covid restrictions. But police, too, bear responsibility for
the worst clashes, they say, by storming into their streets in a way
that wouldn’t happen in a secular Tel Aviv neighborhood. Online scolds
have dubbed their community a “death cult,” but the couple share the
belief widely held among the ultra-Orthodox that they have been singled
out.
“I don’t want to see the synagogues open, but they should also close the protests,” Itzhak Shinfeld said.
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