There
is a positive case to be made for the candidacy of Kamala Harris, but
it is not as compelling as the negative one that has been building these
last nine years against her opponent, Donald Trump. When I think of
Harris winning the presidency this week, it’s like watching a film of a
car crash run in reverse: the windshield unshatters; stray objects and
bits of metal converge; and defenseless human bodies are hurled into
states of perfect repose. Normalcy descends out of chaos. In the same
way, many of the reasons to hope for a future Harris administration bear
the signs of a peculiar, counterfactual origin: the appalling prospect
of Trump winning a second term as president of the United States.
For
anyone who spent the last nine years mostly ignoring Trump, while
watching in horror as the Democratic Party slid ever leftward toward the
precipice, and the Great Wokeness beyond, the positive case for Harris
must be made carefully, and with some casuistry. But it is simple enough
to do. The truth of the matter is that the good woman was for every
reasonable thing before she was against it—and she’s for these things
again now, you can be sure. In fact, much the same can be said about the
Democratic Party. I am willing to bet that there is not a single person
within the Harris campaign, wielding authority sufficient to produce a
cup of coffee, who has any doubt about whether we have a problem along
our southern border. Nor will you find anyone willing to defund the
police or to fund gender-reassignment surgeries for undocumented
immigrants in detention. And there is probably no one on Earth who still
believes that advancing a lab-leak hypothesis for the origins of Covid
is “racist.” The spell cast in 2019 by blue-haired lunatics who identify
as blue-haired lunatics has finally broken.
If Harris loses tomorrow’s election, I might blame her and her team for avoiding a necessary series of “Sister Souljah moments”—where
she could have made it clear how the pendulum of sanity had swung back,
both within her brain and across the platform of the Democratic Party.
And yet for anyone willing to see, it was clear from the beginning of
her campaign that Harris had pivoted to the center of our politics.
Despite the widespread psychosis on our college campuses, no one
seriously confused about the events of October 7th was invited to
address the Democratic National Convention—rather, the parents of an
American hostage were, and they received a standing ovation.
And though she would be our first woman president, there has been scant
mention of this fact from Harris or her surrogates. Vice President
Harris is not campaigning for the presidency like a leftwing activist,
and there is no reason to believe that she would govern as one. If she
wins on Tuesday, her first calls will probably be to allies like Liz
Cheney, Adam Kinzinger, and Mark Cuban, and there will be no celebration
with Rashida Tlaib or the rest of “the Squad.” However, if Harris
loses, I have no doubt that the pendulum will swing outward
again—because among his many pernicious influences on our society, Trump
stands as living confirmation of the worst fears of the far left.
Anyone who yearns to see our institutions break the grip of progressive
orthodoxy should understand that the provocation of another Trump
presidency is precisely what we do not need.
The
positive case for Harris is simple: She will be a normal president,
surrounded by normal experts, seeking normal political ends. The
scientists she consults will be real scientists. The doctors, real
doctors. Her administration will not be a 4chan thread come to life. Her
foreign policy will not be made in consultation with podcasters who
hock gold, ivermectin, and MREs. The notion of banning some vaccines will not receive serious consideration. Grifters and lunatics like Alex Jones, Tucker Carlson,
and Candace Owens won’t be short-listed for weekends in the Lincoln
bedroom. The final stage of her campaign wasn’t organized and funded by an increasingly erratic billionaire who hallucinates
about the strategic replacement of white America, and she will owe him
no debt of gratitude. The positive case for Harris is easy to make: She
is a sane public servant who will be committed to the rule of law and
the betterment of our society.
There is more to say about her opponent…
There
is one fact about Donald Trump that not even his most devoted fans can
dispute: He is one of the most prolific liars our species has produced.
The man lies about everything, great and small. He lies compulsively,
incoherently, pointlessly, impossibly. Yesterday, Trump assured the
audience at one of his rallies that there were no empty seats at his
campaign events, when they could see with their own eyes
that the arena in which they sat wasn’t full. Many people have claimed
that there is a method to this madness—but there is no method, only
madness. I am well aware, of course, that Steve Bannon declared the
method—“flood the zone with shit”—the
desired effect of which is to produce a state of panic, and finally
futility, in one’s political opponents (and, above all, the media). I
will grant the reality of the effect, but not the intentionality of any
method. Trump simply vomits lies in all directions, exhausting anyone
who would try to make sense of him. The fact that this has proven to be
politically expedient in late-stage America doesn’t suggest that it is a
conscious strategy. Trump lied with the same astonishing velocity long
before he entered politics, and he just never stopped. I believe the
truth about Trump is simpler and less Machiavellian: there is something
wrong with his mind. During his four years in the White House, The Washington Post counted more than 30,000
of his lies and misleading statements. It’s an impressive number, but
it doesn’t begin to indicate how corrosive Trump’s dishonesty has been
to our politics.
It was Salena Zito who first observed
that the media took Trump “literally but not seriously,” while his
supporters took him “seriously but not literally.” However, it seems to
have been Peter Thiel who transformed this clever phrasing into a
formula for mass delusion. And it did not take long for a reflexive
discounting of Trump’s stated desires, fears, beliefs, and intentions to
destroy the Republican Party.
The former president now says that if elected to a second term he will use federal troops to forcibly expel as many as 20 million
undocumented immigrants from the country. When I recently pointed out
to a Republican friend how vicious and idiotic such a purge would
be—because most of these people are performing essential work in our
society, and millions of them have children who happen to be American citizens—he sought to put my mind at ease, deploying words one often hears in Trumpistan: “He’s just saying that. He’s not really going to do it.”
The problem, of course, is that just saying that should count for something. (Must I really spell this out?) Even pretending
to aspire to so dystopian a project—separating families by the millions
and herding doomed spouses, parents, and grandparents into internment
camps, at the cost of hundreds of billions of dollars, while their
American relatives weep—should be disqualifying in a presidential
candidate.
But
neither this observation, nor hundreds like it, has any effect on my
friend. I’m now convinced that if Trump promised to round up millions of
undocumented immigrants, kill them in slaughterhouses, and turn them
into dog food, my friend would respond with the same breezy rebuttal:
“He’s just saying that. He’s not really going to do it.”
I’ve had nearly a decade to contemplate this transformation in our politics, and I remain completely mystified by it.
If
we cannot believe what the former president says, can we believe what
others say about him? Of course not. And so, when the vast majority of
Trump’s former cabinet members decline to endorse him,
we can draw no conclusions at all. We shouldn’t care that nearly
everyone who advised him during his four years in office, especially on
national security, has condemned him as unfit to serve as
Commander-in-Chief. These people include Jim Mattis (Secretary of
Defense), Mark Milley (Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff), and H.R.
McMaster (National Security Adviser)—and those are just the M’s. These
men have told us what Trump is like behind closed doors—that he is “a moron” and “a fascist”, and that he expects our militarily leaders to swear loyalty to him
rather than to the Constitution. These were the proverbial “adults in
the room” who prevented Trump from doing despicable things, like
ordering federal troops to shoot Black Lives Matter protesters “in the legs.”
Some of the most respected military leaders of their generation, like
four-star admiral William McRaven (Commander of United States Special
Operations), have been sounding the alarm about Trump for years. In a letter addressed to the President, published in the Washington Post,
McRaven wrote: “Through your actions, you have embarrassed us in the
eyes of our children, humiliated us on the world stage and, worst of
all, divided us as a nation.” This isn’t a controversial opinion among
those who served during Trump’s first term.
But
half the country does not take such warnings literally, seriously, or
in any other way, believing them to be just more partisan noise.
(Strangely, this noise is coming mostly from lifelong Republicans and
members of the military who have every professional and personal
incentive to keep silent.) So, once again, half the country intends to
grant Trump more power and responsibility than anyone on Earth, despite
knowing that his second administration would be staffed by loyalists, election deniers, and sycophants who have no reputations for competence or integrity to protect.
It
is amusing in this context, with their powers of discernment so
blissfully in eclipse, to watch Republicans find reasons to despise Vice
President Harris. Trump escapes their merely mortal judgment like some
force of nature, while Harris’s every word and glance are weighed with
Talmudic severity and found wanting. If her laugh isn’t perfectly
disqualifying, they detect a fatal difference in “authenticity” between
the two candidates. I will admit that Harris can seem evasive in
interviews, while Trump sometimes appears to be authentically what he
is—a terrible human being.
But enumerating Trump’s
many flaws leaves one vulnerable to charges of “elitism.” It seems that
the moment we travel right-of-center in our politics there is no longer
any place to stand from which to observe the obvious: that the former
president embodies the kind of vanity, ignorance, lechery, and avarice
encountered only in fairy tales—or scripture. Add to these foundational
sins the man’s boundless capacity for lying, his obsession with
celebrity, his casual cruelty, and his achingly bad taste—and most of
your work still lies ahead of you...
We
mustn’t ignore the stench of the carnival that follows Trump from room
to room—for the former president is the very archetype of the impostor,
the confidence man, the crackpot, and the peddler of quack cures. The
sheer fraudulence of his every endeavor, reaching back decades, is
breathtaking. His fake businesses, fake charities, fake university,
and fake tan seem to be mere embellishments of some deeper deception
lurking at the very center of his being. Trump wouldn’t hesitate to sell
his farts in bottles if he could only find the time—but they would be
fake farts and fake bottles.
Add to all his wheeling and dealing the multiple bankruptcies and countless legal entanglements—and
all the groping and bullying and wheedling and chiseling—and wrap this
sad frenzy of self-promotion, self-praise, and self-deception in a bad
suit, made to measure for a rhinoceros, and there he is, hunching and
scowling—the man in full.
Donald
Trump is a game show host who was relentlessly marketed on television
as a business genius for twelve years, and half the country bought the
lie. The fact that he became President of the United States, and may yet
do so again, is surely the greatest imposture in American history.
But,
again, my “elitism” is showing. It is now considered indecent to demand
a modicum of integrity, or even moral sanity, in a presidential
candidate.
Of
course, the gravest problem with Trump is that, as president, he
refused to commit to a peaceful transfer of power. He then made every
effort to steal the 2020 election—while claiming, against all evidence,
that it was being stolen from him. Anyone who watches the HBO documentary Stopping the Steal
should recognize Trump’s election denial for what it is: one of the
most malignantly selfish acts in the history of our country. And the
fact that Trump persists in denying the outcome of the 2020 election—and
is clearly preparing to reject the result of the current one, should he
lose again—represents a continuous provocation to political violence.
I
can only say, as I contemplate the fragile miracle of our democracy on
the eve of this election, that I find it impossible to believe we will
return this man to power.
But we will soon see what happens and know the truth about ourselves…