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EVERY SIGNATURE MATTERS - THIS BILL MUST PASS!
CLICK - GOAL - 100,000 NEW SIGNATURES! 75,000 SIGNATURES HAVE ALREADY BEEN SUBMITTED TO GOVERNOR CUOMO!
EFF Urges Court to Block Dragnet Subpoenas Targeting Online Commenters
CLICK! For the full motion to quash: http://www.eff.org/files/filenode/hersh_v_cohen/UOJ-motiontoquashmemo.pdf
Friday, April 24, 2026
Because sexual abuse prevention doesn’t happen all at once—it happens in everyday moments. And it starts with adults who are prepared to act.
Thursday, April 23, 2026
The Iranians Take Trump for a Sucker - Iran Takes America Hostage By Another Name - This will be the Iranians’ third swindle...So far...
TRUMP APPROVAL: 32%
MATCHING CARTER LOWS
IRAN GUNBOATS MENACE HORMUZ
SEIZE SHIPS AS 'CEASFIRE' EXTENDED
USA BLOCKADE COLLAPSES
How many times will President Trump pay Iran for the same real estate? Twice he has announced the opening of the Strait of Hormuz, and twice he has given up U.S. leverage in exchange. Yet the strait remains closed, as Iran’s regime demands more.
On April 7, Mr. Trump announced a two-week cease-fire—“subject to the Islamic Republic of Iran agreeing to the COMPLETE, IMMEDIATE, and SAFE OPENING of the Strait of Hormuz.” This implied that Iran hadn’t quite agreed to it yet, and two sources familiar with negotiations told me gaps remained. But Iran’s foreign minister eased concerns: “For a period of two weeks,” he wrote that evening, “safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz will be possible” within certain limits.
By the next morning, Mr. Trump was ebullient. “A big day for World Peace! Iran wants it to happen, they’ve had enough!” he wrote. “We’ll be loading up with supplies of all kinds.” When the Journal’s editorial board warned against declaring “premature victory,” the president was dismissive. “Actually, it is a Victory, and there’s nothing ‘premature’ about it!” he wrote on April 9. “Very quickly, you’ll see Oil start flowing,” he added. “The Wall Street Journal will, as usual, live to eat their words.”
But the oil didn’t flow. Tanker traffic declined even further. “That is not the agreement we have!” Mr. Trump would complain. This was Iran’s first swindle.
After the cease-fire, Iran’s regime insisted on a new condition: Israel would have to stop attacking Hezbollah in Lebanon before negotiations could advance. This wasn’t part of the deal, Mr. Trump replied. Hezbollah had started the war, and by smashing Iran’s most important terror proxy, Israel was adding to the pressure on the regime and thus to U.S. leverage.
Then again, pausing would be seen as an Israeli concession, politically easier for the president. “I spoke with Bibi [Netanyahu], and he’s going to low-key it,” Mr. Trump said on April 9.
April 10-11 negotiations followed in Pakistan, and the U.S. walked away when Iran resisted key nuclear concessions. Mr. Trump now needed a new way to force the regime’s hand. In the absence of military strikes, a blockade of Iran’s ports would be America’s stick; its carrot would be an Israeli cease-fire in Lebanon.
Direct Israel-Lebanon talks, previously scorned by Washington as pointless given Beirut’s inaction against Hezbollah, were arranged hastily for April 14. The spectacle could distract some from the fait accompli: To smooth U.S. negotiations, Mr. Trump had dictated that Israel give Iran the reprieve it wanted in Lebanon. This second cease-fire was announced April 16.
Iran’s foreign minister again acknowledged what had been agreed. “In line with the ceasefire in Lebanon,” he wrote on Friday, “the passage for all commercial vessels through Strait of Hormuz is declared completely open.” A day after granting the concession, however, the regime withdrew it. This was the second swindle.
On Saturday Iran’s military said the strait was closed. Approaching it “will be considered cooperation with the enemy,” the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps warned. It even attacked a few vessels. The regime says it won’t open Hormuz until the U.S. ceases blockading its ports.
This will be the Iranians’ third swindle—if Mr. Trump goes along. The regime wants the strait closed and U.S. leverage diminished for nuclear negotiations. “They can’t blackmail us,” Mr. Trump said on Sunday. But they think they can. Certainly, they are comfortable embarrassing the president. What’s stopping them from playing the same games over their stockpiles of enriched uranium?
Mr. Trump first suspended attacks on Iran, then on Hezbollah. Iran now presses him to give up U.S. economic leverage too. Sometimes, diplomacy can lock in military gains. This time, it has been set up to give them away.
https://www.wsj.com/opinion/the-iranians-take-trump-for-a-sucker-8a211f94?
Mr. Kaufman is a member of the Journal’s editorial board and a co-author of “In the War Room: The Inside Story of Israel’s Fight Against Hamas and the Iranian Axis.”
Wednesday, April 22, 2026
Remembrance to Independence – From Siren to Celebration
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Perhaps Someone Can "Read" This Article To The Rabbinical Medical Geniuses In Lakewood, New Jersey, Philadelphia & Williamsburg, Brooklyn.
Measles Took My Daughter. This Is What I Want Everyone to Know.
When my daughter Renae, my firstborn, was 5 months old she spiked a fever. By that evening, she was having trouble breathing — the color was gone from her face and I could see her skin tugging in around her ribs. At the hospital the doctors noted the red spots on her body and diagnosed her with measles.
This was 2013, and Manchester, England, where we lived, was experiencing a measles outbreak that resulted in more than 1,000 suspected cases. A 1998 study by a British doctor, Andrew Wakefield, linking the measles, mumps and rubella vaccine to autism had caused vaccination rates to plummet. The study was later retracted and Mr. Wakefield stripped of his medical license, but the damage had been done. In 2013, most of the cases were among school-age children whose parents had refused to give them the vaccine, which is not compulsory in Britain, or among babies too young to be vaccinated, like my daughter. (The first measles vaccine is usually given at 1 year of age.)
While I was concerned about Renae, I wasn’t panicked by the diagnosis. At the time, I thought of measles as being like chickenpox. And I knew she was in the right place, in the hospital. Doctors were able to stabilize her breathing quickly, and her fever was responding to Tylenol. Renae would feel poorly for a bit, and then get better.
And that’s what happened. Within a week she seemed back to normal. What I didn’t know was that measles can cause long-term complications. A child can seem fine while the virus slowly replicates in her brain, poised to exact a terrible toll years later. Because both Britain and the United States are confronting outbreaks, I am sharing my story. Parents should know just how dangerous this disease is.
Renae was a happy and bubbly child. She was early to talk, and speaking in full sentences well before she turned 2. She could write her name at 3. When she was 8, she was so proud when she brought home her report card, which said she read at the level of a teenager. She loved arts and crafts and books — every day after school she’d ask me to read with her. She squabbled with her two younger siblings and also adored them. You could never really scold Renae because if you did, she’d just find a way to make you laugh.
It was in the spring and summer of 2023, when Renae was 10, and I was pregnant with my fourth child, that we got the first hints that something might be wrong.
Renae’s handwriting, which had always been exceptionally neat, got a bit wobbly. Renae was never an athletic kid, but when I attended her school’s Sports Day, she wasn’t participating at all. She seemed a bit off balance. She was growing up quickly. She had just started her period. The school had called to say she was holding hands with a boy in her class. So when her personality changed and she became more snappish, I didn’t think much of it at first. She was excited about the new baby, helping set up the nursery.
In mid-June, I got a call from her teacher. Renae had had a seizure — could I come straightaway? By the time we got her to the hospital, she was pretty much back to herself. “Oh, my God, did it happen at school!?” she asked, mortified. We were referred to an epilepsy clinic.
A week after that, she had another seizure. And then several days later, while lying in bed with a friend, another one. She was admitted to the hospital, where she received an M.R.I. that showed mild brain swelling. The doctors told us that this can happen sometimes, that maybe she had a recent infection, and it often resolves on its own. They started her on an anti-seizure medication and, since it seemed that she was getting better, released her.
But toward the end of the summer, she told us she saw things that weren’t there. I wondered if it could be a side effect of the medication, but she had also started moving very slowly, almost robotically, and often seemed confused. We took her back to the hospital, where another M.R.I. showed the swelling in her brain had become much worse.
The doctors put her on an antibiotic drip. They did lumbar punctures, collecting cerebrospinal fluid from between her vertebrae. They hooked her to a machine that took the blood out of her body, cleaned it, and put it back in.
She was rapidly slipping away. The nurses tested her strength each day, and each day she was getting weaker. I remember giving her a bath. She said, “Mom, get in.” So I did, and I brushed her hair. When she tried to get out, she fell. After that, we started using a wheelchair.
Renae would ask me, “What could it be?” I told her once the doctors figured it out, they could make her better. Her voice got weaker and she started sleeping more and more.
Within a couple weeks, Renae had stopped talking and eating. Her last food was cotton candy and an Oreo doughnut, which she always loved. She was transferred to the intensive care unit and given a breathing tube. Though she couldn’t speak to me, she still squeezed my hand when I talked to her. I worried she could overhear us talking about her condition, and wondered how scared and confused she must be.
We got the diagnosis when one of the tests of her spinal fluid had come back from London. Renae had subacute sclerosing panencephalitis, a rare complication of measles. The doctors told me it was fatal, and there was nothing else they could do.
I ran outside onto the hospital grounds and sat on a bench. I looked down and at my feet was a stone that said, “Keep smiling” — it’s a phrase Renae used to say to me.
Not long after, one of the doctors got on his knees and held my hands and told me that, with all the stress, he was worried about the health of the baby I was carrying. I was 38 weeks pregnant. The C-section was a blur. The doctors told me to rest, but I said, “No, I’m going back to Renae.” My sister took care of my newborn, the little sister Renae had been so excited to meet.
That last weekend in the hospital, watching Renae die, was so traumatic. I told the doctors that I didn’t want them to continue the treatments. I could tell Renae was in distress, and I just wanted her to be at peace. We turned off the machines on a Friday. My family and I stayed in the room that weekend. On Monday morning, Sept. 25, 2023, Renae took her last breath. It was nine days before her 11th birthday.
In January of this year, Britain lost its measles elimination status. Our national M.M.R. vaccination rate hovers at 84 percent, far below the 95 percent target set by the World Health Organization.
In the United States, where schoolchildren are required to be vaccinated against measles, the national vaccination rate is 92 percent. Many states also allow for exemptions to vaccine requirements, and as a result, U.S. vaccination rates are uneven. Last year, the United States saw its highest rate of measles cases in more than three decades and the country may soon lose its measles elimination status as well. Despite this, Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. said he doesn’t think the government should be mandating vaccines, and that they should be a matter of personal choice.
Parents must realize that refusing vaccinations doesn’t just put your own child at risk. It puts other children at risk. I don’t know where Renae picked up measles. It’s one of the most contagious viruses that exists, and it could have been from anywhere.
That’s why herd immunity is so important. If there hadn’t been an outbreak when Renae was a baby, I don’t think she would have contracted it. She was eligible for the vaccine just seven months later, and I gave it to her, but it was too late.
For a long time after Renae died, I couldn’t really believe she wasn’t coming back. It’s only been in these past several months that it’s started to really sink in. I have days that I don’t want to see anyone, but I try to stay strong for everyone else, including my children who are now 8, 5 and 2. The youngest, who was born less than two weeks before Renae’s death, has glasses just like her older sister and many of her mannerisms.
It’s hard to tell Renae’s story, but I can hear her saying, “Go on, Mom.” It’s the only thing I can do.
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/04/21/opinion/measles-child-britain-vaccination.html
Tuesday, April 21, 2026
There is a certain tragic comedy in watching a self-proclaimed master negotiator reveal, move by move, that he needs the deal more than the deal needs him.
I'm writing this on Monday morning, April 20 at 30,000 feet. Donald Trump sent his messengers to Pakistan without knowing if Iran shows up. There is no better way of describing and gauging this man's weakness, than realizing "my pilot" may be mentally impaired after a night of boozing it up on Truth Social.
Donald Trump approaches Iran like a man pounding on a locked door and then announcing to the neighborhood that he is being invited in. He dispatches envoys to Pakistan, sets the stage, whispers about negotiations—and Iran has not even agreed to show up. This is not choreography; it is improvisation bordering on desperation. In the Middle East, where perception is currency and hesitation is weakness, you do not signal eagerness unless you are prepared to be toyed with. And yet here we are: America leaning forward, Iran leaning back, and the world taking notes.
There is a certain tragic comedy in watching a self-proclaimed master negotiator reveal, move by move, that he needs the deal more than the deal needs him. The strong man does not chase the meeting; the strong man sets the terms and lets others come running. But this—this is something else entirely. This is the language of urgency masquerading as strategy. It is the quiet confession that time matters more than outcome, that optics matter more than substance, that the photograph at the signing table is worth more than the fine print no one will read.
That is why this feels so familiar, and so cheap. He is not asking whether the deal is good for America in any serious, durable sense. He is asking whether it is good enough for him. Good enough to postpone trouble. Good enough to claim he “solved” something. Good enough to get through the next stretch of his political calendar with the cameras still pointed his way.
And that is the part that gives the game away. This is not the posture of a man calmly directing events. It is the posture of a man who needs a deal, any deal, preferably one he can wrap in a flag, hold up to the cameras, and sell as proof that he is still the indispensable strongman. The problem is that weakness has a smell to it. Everybody in the room can detect when a leader is not pursuing peace because it serves the country, but because he wants the headline, the leverage, and the temporary illusion of control. That is what this looks like: not strategy first, but ego first.
Strip away the slogans, and the motive begins to flicker into view. Not history, not stability, not even victory in any meaningful sense—but survival. Political survival. Narrative survival. The kind of survival that demands a headline today and worries about consequences tomorrow. January 20, 2028 sits on the horizon like a finish line, and every decision bends toward it. If a deal can be branded as “historic,” it will be. If a handshake can be sold as strength, it will be. Whether it holds, whether it restrains, whether it actually serves the country—that becomes secondary, almost irrelevant.
And that is the deeper problem. A leader who treats diplomacy as theater eventually becomes captive to the performance. He must keep producing climaxes, keep manufacturing tension, keep resolving crises he helped inflate. The audience must never grow bored. But nations are not audiences, and adversaries are not props. They see the hunger behind the curtain. They see the need. And when they see it, they exploit it.
So what we are witnessing is not merely a policy misstep; it is a posture. A posture of a man who cannot afford to walk away, and therefore cannot truly negotiate. He is not holding the line—he is hoping the line holds long enough for him to declare it victory. And hope, in the realm of power, is not strategy. It is surrender dancing America's interests away.
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Monday, April 20, 2026
This is not “Jewish paranoia”
Trump tells Israel to hold its fire on terrorists on their northern border, and suddenly everyone is expected to treat that as a normal act of statesmanship. Maybe it is. Maybe it is not. But the first question any sane person asks is simple: why is Washington always so quick to put a leash on the Jewish state, and so mysteriously reluctant to put one on the world’s actual aggressors?
Because let us not pretend these things are morally symmetrical. If Israel is told not to hit Lebanon, the language is “restraint,” “stability,” and “avoiding escalation.” If Russia bombs Ukraine, nobody says, “Well, perhaps Vladimir Putin should be given a little space to express himself.” The West roars, sanctions, arms Ukraine, freezes assets, and calls Putin what he is: a thug. The difference is not subtle. It is the whole story.
So no, this is not “Jewish paranoia.” That phrase is usually tossed around by people who want Jews to doubt their own eyes. The instinct here is not paranoia. It is memory. Jews have a long history of being told to trust the goodwill of powerful outsiders right up until the moment that goodwill evaporates. A Jew who asks whether pressure on Israel is really pressure on Israel, or just another demand that Jews absorb danger quietly, is not being irrational. He is paying attention.
And there is another embarrassment in all of this. America does not actually “prohibit” Israel from doing much of anything. It can threaten, postpone, condition, discourage, and complain. But prohibit? That is the language of a master speaking to a subordinate. If Trump believes he can dictate Israeli military choices with a phone call and a scowl, that says something not only about his temperament, but about how Washington sees Israel: not as an ally, but as a client that is allowed to defend itself only when it does so in a manner approved by the State Department and the cable news crowd.
That is the central insult. Israel is expected to fight like a democracy, behave like a saint, absorb attacks like a monk, and still be judged as though it had failed the exam if it does not smile while doing it. Meanwhile, other regimes can massacre, invade, and terrorize, and the moral lecture is always reserved for Jerusalem.
So the comparison with Russia is not a distraction. It is the point. America does not “prohibit” Moscow from bombing Ukraine because America is not in the business of managing Russian moral convenience. It opposes Russia. It punishes Russia. It arms the victims of Russia. With Israel, the relationship is always more complicated, more conditional, more patronizing, and more prone to the old favorite: “We support your right to self-defense, but not that self-defense.”
That is why the question lands so hard. Not because Jews are paranoid, but because history teaches Jews that when a great power starts talking about what the Jews may or may not do to survive, it is wise to ask what exactly the great power is protecting. Peace? Or its own comfort?
And there is the final irony. When Jews object to this double standard, they are told they are overreacting. When they stay silent, they are told they accepted it. There is, apparently, no perfectly polite way to notice that the rules change the moment Jews are the ones under attack.
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https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/this-is-not-jewish-paranoia/
Friday, April 17, 2026
Mr. Eastman under the instruction of Donald Trump had concocted a legal strategy to put forward fake electors for Mr. Trump in several swing states that the candidate had lost in order to have Congress block or delay certification of Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s victory on Jan. 6, 2021
Lawyer John Eastman Disbarred for Efforts to Overturn 2020 Election - His Client Becomes President of the U.S.A.
The California Supreme Court upheld a lower court’s decision that said Mr. Eastman, had violated the rules of professional ethics.
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John Eastman has defended his actions, and one of his lawyers said he would explore his options at the U.S. Supreme Court  |
The California Supreme Court on Wednesday ordered the lawyer John Eastman disbarred for his role in seeking to overturn the 2020 election in favor of Donald J. Trump.
Mr. Eastman had concocted a legal strategy to put forward fake electors for Mr. Trump in several swing states that the candidate had lost in order to have Congress block or delay certification of Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s victory on Jan. 6, 2021.
He also promoted what a lower court judge called a “wild theory” that Mike Pence, Trump’s vice president, could unilaterally declare Mr. Trump the victor during a certification proceeding that day. Since then, Mr. Eastman has insisted that the 2020 election was stolen, that he did nothing wrong and that he was simply representing Mr. Trump.
On Wednesday, the court ordered Mr. Eastman’s name “stricken from the roll of attorneys.” He was also asked to pay $5,000 to the State Bar of California.
In a statement, George Cardona, chief trial counsel for the State Bar of California, said the court’s decision “affirms the fundamental principle that attorneys must act with honesty and uphold the rule of law.”
“The Court’s order underscores that Mr. Eastman’s misconduct was incompatible with the standards of integrity required of every California attorney,” he added.
Randall Miller, a lawyer representing Mr. Eastman, said he and Mr. Eastman disagree with the decision because it “raises pivotal constitutional concerns regarding the limits of state regulation of attorney speech.” He added that he plans to ask the U.S. Supreme Court “to repudiate this threat to the rule of law and our nation’s adversarial system of justice.”
In March 2024, a California judge recommended that Mr. Eastman be stripped of his law license, finding that he had violated professional ethics rules by making false statements about the 2020 election.
In her ruling, the judge, Yvette Roland, said Mr. Eastman had “exhibited gross negligence by making false statements about the 2020 election without conducting any meaningful investigation or verification of the information he was relying upon.”
Since then, Mr. Eastman had been suspended from practicing law in California as his case went through the appeal process. His license was also suspended in Washington, D.C., in a separate proceeding.
Bar officials across the country have been trying to seek accountability against a group of lawyers, among them Mr. Eastman, who pushed false claims of election fraud and tried to help Mr. Trump stay in office after he lost the 2020 election.
Rudolph W. Giuliani, another lawyer who helped Mr. Trump’s efforts to reverse his electoral defeat, was disbarred in New York in 2024. Later that year, he lost his license in Washington, D.C., as well.
Another lawyer, Jeffrey Clark, was recommended for disbarment last year by a Washington disciplinary board. He has appealed the recommendation.
On Wednesday, Mr. Clark called the California court’s ruling in Mr. Eastman’s case “a travesty” and said he is hopeful the Supreme Court reverses the decision.
Mr. Trump last year issued a sweeping federal pardon for several lawyers involved in efforts to overturn the 2020 election, but they were largely symbolic, since those people were not facing federal charges.
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/04/15/us/john-eastman-disbarred-2020-election.html?
Thursday, April 16, 2026
Wednesday, April 15, 2026
Monday, April 13, 2026
Two Jews (JINO) and A Gentile Walk Into a Hotel Conference Room In Pakistan On Shabbos!
“Look at this! They flew halfway around the world to sit in a room with no windows—so nobody can see nothing is happening!”
“So I’m reading about these negotiations—big important meeting, hotel conference room, very serious. You ever notice, the more serious the meeting, the worse the coffee? This is how you know nothing’s getting solved!
Three Americans walk in, very confident—very confident. They got charts, graphs, bullet points. Bullet points! Like the other side is gonna say, ‘Oh! Number three! We didn’t think of number three! Let’s change 40 years of policy!’
Across the table, you got negotiators who’ve been negotiating since before these guys knew how to negotiate with their parents for a later curfew. These people invented patience. They sit there, they nod, they smile—meanwhile they’re thinking, ‘This guy flew 8,000 miles to tell me what I already decided not to do!’
And then at the end—this is my favorite part—they come out and say, ‘The talks were productive.’ Productive?! Nobody agreed on anything! In regular life, if nothing happens, you don’t call it productive—you call it a Pesach Seder with your relatives!
And the discussion goes on for hours. Hours! You ever sit in a meeting that long? After 20 minutes, you’re not negotiating anymore, you’re just trying to remember your own name. But here, they keep going. Why? Because nobody wants to be the first one to say, “This is going nowhere.” In diplomacy, going nowhere—this is somewhere! This is progress-adjacent!
“Look at this! They’ve got charts! Charts! Like the other side is waiting all these years—‘If only somebody would bring a chart, we’d change everything!’”
But here’s the genius of it—this is the part that really kills me—everybody’s happy! Nobody agreed, nobody changed, nobody even looked surprised, and still they say it was a success. Why? Because nobody walked out. That’s the bar! You don’t storm out, you’re a hero! In any other job, this is not success. Imagine a pilot: “Good news, folks—we didn’t take off, but nobody panicked!” You’re not flying with that guy again!
Then comes my favorite part: the official statement. This is where language goes to lie down and take a nap. A guy comes out, very serious, and says, “The talks were constructive.” Constructive?! What did they build, a sandwich? Nothing happened! In regular life, if nothing happens, you don’t call it constructive—you call it a Tuesday!
“Constructive! I go to a contractor, he does nothing—I don’t say ‘very constructive!’ I say ‘Where’s my kitchen?!’”
Across the table, you’ve got negotiators who look like they’ve been sitting there since the room was built. Calm, patient, not impressed. These are people who understand something very important: if you wait long enough, the other guy will start negotiating with himself. They don’t interrupt. They don’t argue. They nod in a way that says, “I hear you… and I will remember none of it.” It’s not rudeness—it’s strategy with excellent posture.
Into this masterpiece of blandness walk the delegations. The Americans arrive like they’re about to fix a group project that’s been going badly since 1979. They’ve got binders, folders, tabs—tabs on the tabs! You ever see this? Tabs! Like the other side is gonna say, “Oh! Section 4B—this changes everything! Why didn’t you say so sooner?!” There’s this unstoppable confidence, the kind that only comes from believing that if you just explain things clearly enough, history will apologize and straighten itself out.
The Americans present their plan. It’s got phases. You need phases! Phase One, Phase Two—by Phase Three, everybody’s friends, there’s maybe a handshake, somebody orders better coffee. It’s beautiful. It’s also completely fictional. Because on the other side, they’re thinking, “This is very nice. We will now take this plan and put it in a very safe place… where all the other plans are… forever.”
I’m telling you, diplomacy is the only job where if you accomplish nothing, everybody keeps their job—and writes a book about it later!” “They came, they talked, they accomplished nothing—and they’re proud! You gotta admire it.
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https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/two-jews-and-a-gentile-walk-into-a-hotel-conference-room-in-pakistan-on-shabbos/
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The best Orthodox Jewish blogs curated and ranked based on multiple factors, including content relevancy, subject expertise, posting frequency, and freshness of content. Blogs with highest credibility within the Orthodox Jewish space are ranked higher. This list is updated regularly to ensure it reflects the most active, influential, and valuable Orthodox Jewish blogs on the internet today. https://bloggers.feedspot.com/orthodox_jewish_blogs/
Sunday, April 12, 2026
Friday, April 10, 2026
Donald Trump: If You Had Any Guts....and Sechel...
Donald Trump: Send American Tankers to The Strait of Hormuz and Block it to everyone:
Two ships from Iran’s shipping line IRISL — Shabdis and Berzin have departed from Gaolan Port in China, and it is being claimed that they may be carrying chemicals that can later be used to produce rocket and missile fuel. However, these ships leaving China will have to pass through the same region of the Indian Ocean where, on March 4, 2026, a US submarine sank the Iranian warship IRIS Dena.
In such a situation, if the United States attempts to stop this supply coming from China, the challenge will directly involve China. If that happens, China could completely halt the supply of rare earth minerals, which would make it almost impossible for the US to manufacture intercepting missiles and all the world depends on for our current technological structure of energy, water, satellites...etc. In other words, no matter what happens, China is positioned to benefit either way. A global Depression in the making!
So Mr. Trump, if you had any guts, you would stop speaking like a man auditioning for the history books and start acting like one. The Strait of Hormuz is not some reality show talking point. It is the world’s pressure point, the narrow throat through which the global oil economy gulps for air. If Iran wants to strangle the region, threaten shipping, and play pirate with a modern state’s toys, then the answer cannot be another carefully worded statement, another tremble of “concern,” another little choreography of restraint for the benefit of diplomats who mistake caution for strength.
Send the American tankers. Block the straits to all traffic. Let them sail straight toward that choke point, and block it! Make the message impossible to misunderstand: this passage does not belong to Tehran, and it does not belong to any regime that thinks terror gives it ownership of international waters. Sometimes deterrence is not a memo. Sometimes it is a steel hull in the water, a flat refusal to blink, and a demonstration that America still understands how to draw a line and mean it. A civilization that cannot protect a sea lane is a civilization already rehearsing its own decline.
And let us be honest about the language of “escalation,” that favorite word of the timid. The same people who panic at the thought of resolve always seem strangely calm when tyrants, militias, and clerics are the ones escalating. They love tension when it is inflicted on everyone else. They call aggression “strategy” when it comes from the enemy, and call strength “provocation” when it comes from us. That is not prudence. That is surrender wearing a red necktie.
The point is not recklessness. The point is clarity. If the world keeps rewarding threats from Iran with patience, then Iran learns patience is weakness. If the West keeps answering force with lectures, then the mullahs will keep betting that nobody has the nerve to stop them. A nation that can move ships, protect lanes, and enforce consequences is a nation that still has a spine. A nation that cannot is just a press release with a flag on it.
So yes, Mr. Trump, the message should be simple: American power is not decorative, and the Strait of Hormuz is not up for negotiation by gangsters in turbans pretending to be statesmen. If you mean what you say, then act like it. History does not remember the cautious. It remembers the ones who had the nerve to move first and make the world adjust.
And when you're not mouthing off about some drunken nonsense, remember if America does not get the Iranians 1000 pounds of nuclear enriched uranium, your children and grandchildren lives will be endangered along with the entire planet's children, much sooner than you can imagine.
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https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/donald-trump-if-you-had-any-guts-and-sechel/
Tuesday, April 07, 2026
“Excuse me Mr. President, could you start a regional conflict before lunch?”
A Gentile watches a war and says, “This is very complicated—history, religion, politics.” A Jew watches the same war and says, “Give it five minutes, we’ll be blamed. Iran has generals, missiles, oil fields—but the real power, according to the conspiracy theorists, is apparently a guy in Brooklyn who can’t get a decent parking spot.”
You turn on the news today, and already you know how the story ends. Missiles flying, diplomats arguing, experts explaining things nobody understands—and somewhere, somehow, this will become a Jewish story. Not a Middle Eastern conflict, not a geopolitical chess match—no, no. A Jewish story. Because in the grand tradition of human logic, whenever the world gets complicated, people immediately look for the smallest group available and say, “Ah, they must be running it.”
And you have to admire the efficiency. The Jewish people—what are we, a rounding error in the global population? Yet somehow we are credited with orchestrating wars between nations with armies larger than our entire census. This is not a community; this is a management consulting firm with supernatural reach. Iran has generals, missiles, oil fields—but the real power, according to the conspiracy theorists, is apparently a guy in Brooklyn who can’t get a decent parking spot.
Now here is where you see the difference between Jews and Gentiles, and it’s not what anybody expects. A Gentile watches a war and says, “This is very complicated—history, religion, politics.” A Jew watches the same war and says, “Give it five minutes, we’ll be blamed.” Not because he’s cynical—because he’s experienced. This isn’t paranoia; this is pattern recognition with a 2,000-year data set.
They say, “The Jews control everything.” Everything? Jews can’t even agree on what to order in a restaurant. You put three Jews at a table, you get four opinions and nobody pays the bill without a discussion that qualifies as a minor treaty negotiation. And yet these same people are supposedly coordinating global oil prices, military alliances, and media narratives. If Jews had that kind of control, at the very least flights would leave on time and deli sandwiches would be cheaper.
And then come the accusations, dressed up like insight. “The Jews pushed America into war.” This is my favorite fantasy. As if there is a quiet meeting somewhere: “Excuse me, Mr. President, if it’s not too much trouble, could you start a regional conflict before lunch?” America can barely pass a budget on time, but somehow it is being steered like a shopping cart by a handful of overcaffeinated intellectuals arguing about hummus.
But here’s the deeper truth hidden under the jokes. When Jews argue, they argue with each other—endlessly, passionately, sometimes loudly enough to qualify as a public event. When the rest of the world argues, somehow the Jews get invited into the disagreement whether they RSVP or not. War breaks out—Jews. Economy shifts—Jews. Weather changes—give it time, someone will connect it to a rabbi with a suspicious umbrella.
And what you begin to see, if you’re paying attention, is that none of this is really about Jews at all. It’s about the human need for simple answers to complicated problems. War is frightening. Chaos is overwhelming. So people reach for a story that reduces it all to something manageable. And the oldest, most convenient story in the book is to point at the Jews and say, “There. That explains everything.” It never does—but it always satisfies.
So what do Jews do in response? The same thing they’ve always done. They complain, they debate, they write long essays nobody finishes, they eat something comforting, and then they go on living. Because if history teaches anything, it’s that survival is not built on winning arguments—it’s built on outlasting them.
And maybe that’s the final irony. The same people who accuse Jews of controlling everything can’t understand the one thing Jews actually do well: endure. Not because of power, not because of secret influence, but because after generations of being blamed for things both real and imagined, you develop a kind of resilience that no conspiracy theory can explain.
So if you want to do Jews a real favor, it’s very simple. Don’t love them, don’t praise them—just give them a little less credit. Because if they were truly responsible for everything they’re accused of, they wouldn’t be exhausted from suffering. They’d be exhausted from success—and believe me, nobody is that well-rested.
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