What Iran & the Mullahs Learned at Trump University - The Fraud & Lies are Forever....

 

A judge issued a scathing ruling over Trump’s deal with the I.R.S.

The Internal Revenue Service office building in Washington 

A federal judge on Monday ruled that President Trump’s lawsuit against the Internal Revenue Service was an improper exercise in self-dealing and barred him from claiming that the extraordinary tax protections he received were part of a legitimate settlement agreement.

In the order, the judge, Kathleen M. Williams, also referred the lawyer who brought Mr. Trump’s case against the I.R.S. to the Florida bar for potential disciplinary proceedings. Judge Williams added that she would forward her decision to the New York bar, which is already investigating the acting attorney general, Todd Blanche.

The decision by the Judge Williams did not explicitly kill the deal that Mr. Trump had worked out with his own government to receive what amounted to amnesty from investigations into tax returns that he, his family and their businesses have already filed. But Judge Williams’s scathing ruling exposed the negotiations between Mr. Trump’s personal lawyers and senior officials at the Justice Department he controls for what she says they were: backroom dealings that did not arise from a legitimate legal process.

“The nature of the suit itself and the conduct of the parties and counsel from its filing make plain that this was an attempt to use the court to provide some legitimacy to an agreement to confer immunity to people and entities affiliated with the president and to earmark billions of dollars from American taxpayers to redress grievances not defined in the law,” the judge wrote.

The 56-page decision, issued in Federal District Court in Miami, came two months after the Justice Department released a pair of documents purporting to be formal agreements that settled Mr. Trump’s remarkable suit against the I.R.S. The documents laid out a pair of separate but shocking moves — one granting the president, his family and his businesses wide-ranging immunity from tax inquiries and the other creating a $1.8 billion fund aimed at compensating allies of Mr. Trump who say they were the victims of so-called government weaponization.

After outcry from Republicans on Capitol Hill, the acting attorney general, Todd Blanche, said the Justice Department would not move forward with the fund. But he said that Mr. Trump’s extraordinary protections from I.R.S. scrutiny would remain in place.

July 13, 2026, 1:08 p.m. ET25 minutes ago

Andrew Duehren

From the outset, Judge Williams, the Obama appointee who released the 56-page ruling in Federal District Court in Miami, had profound questions about the president’s suit. Because Trump was seeking damages from a part of the federal government that he controlled, the judge was concerned that he was effectively suing himself and was on both sides of the case.

July 13, 2026, 1:05 p.m. ET28 minutes ago

Andrew Duehren and Alan Feuer

The judge, Kathleen M. Williams, also referred the lawyer who brought President Trump’s case against the I.R.S. to the Florida bar for potential disciplinary proceedings. She added that she would forward her decision to the New York bar, which is already investigating the acting attorney general, Todd Blanche.

July 13, 2026, 1:02 p.m. ET31 minutes ago

Andrew Duehren and Alan Feuer

The agreement with the I.R.S. included a provision that gave President Trump, his family and his businesses potentially lucrative protection from agency investigations. In June, the acting attorney general, Todd Blanche, said the Justice Department stood by the provision.

https://www.nytimes.com/live/2026/07/13/us/trump-news?

JD Vance - "Israel kills its way out of its problems" - is a favorite among antisemites....

 

The Israeli Response to Vance   The vice president's critique overlooks a long history of Israeli diplomacy, compromise, and reluctant wars. But worse, it invokes an age-old blood libel. Michael Oren Jul 9   READ IN APP   U.S. Vice President JD Vance  I was recently asked in an interview with i24 News whether I thought Vice President JD Vance was right in saying that, apart from the United States, Israel has no friends in the world. I emphatically answered “no,” and listed the many friends Israel has in South America, Africa, the Arab Gulf, and, most importantly, India. “It’s a country with a population four times that of the U.S.,” I explained, “whose leader, Modi, visited Israel a day before the war with Iran to declare his love for Israel on the Knesset stage.” Several days after the interview, Prime Minister Netanyahu was asked the same question about Vance’s statement and gave precisely the same answer, similarly stressing our excellent ties with India. But in both cases, the interviewers posed the wrong question. What they should have asked, “is JD Vance right when he said that Israel “can’t just kill [its] way out of solving every single national security problem that [it has]’?” The answer is even more adamantly “no!” The charge that Israel uses brute force to resolve all its security problems is firstly, and historically, false. This is the country which, in 1949, signed armistice agreements with four Arab countries that only a year before had tried to destroy us. In 1967, that same country offered to return almost all of the sizable territories we captured in the Six-Day War in return for peace with the Arab leaders who once again sought to annihilate it. Their response was the three “no”s—no recognition, no negotiation, no peace. This is the country, Israel, which returned the Sinai Peninsula, an area more than three times its size, in return for peace with Egypt. We are the nation that signed a peace agreement with the arch-terrorist Arafat who for decades specialized in murdering Israelis. He soon went back to murdering Israelis and still we sought peace with him. Israel is the country which, with the enthusiastic support of Presidents Obama, Biden, and, yes, Trump, tried to avoid war with Hamas by paying it Qatari money. Israel is the country which, arguably more than any other in the world, has done more to avoid having to kill our way out of our security problems. Still, there are some problems that Israel has no choice but to address with force. As Vice President Vance knows full well, there is no diplomatic solution for Israel’s problems with Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran. With enemies sworn to wipe us off the map, there is no diplomatic option, only defense. But the charge that Israel kills its way out of its problems, beyond being inaccurate and unfair, is a favorite among antisemites. It reflects the same Jew hatred behind the claim that Israel killed 70,000 Palestinians without noting that half that number were terrorists and many civilian deaths were caused by terrorist rockets or natural causes. Those same racists view Israelis as a uniquely evil people who want nothing more than to murder women, children, and journalists. Alarmingly, the blood libel that Jews kill their way out of security problems has moved from the radical Republican and Democratic fringe to the mainstreams of both parties. This is not to say that Vance and others have a problem with the Jewish state, but the Jewish state has a problem with the propagation, however inadvertent, of classic antisemitic tropes. Addressing that problem is the responsibility of all Israelis, especially our leaders. Though we must never cease striving to preserve our crucial alliance with the United States, we must respectfully but forcefully correct American leaders when they spread falsehoods about Israel, defame our national character, and distort our history. Israel has many friends in the world, we must proclaim. Israel defends itself when it must but makes peace whenever it can.

The Middle East has a special way of exposing frauds...

The Proof of Trump’s Ignorance of the Middle East Is in the Pudding of Mistakes

 

Trump's $400M plane gift from Qatar

 

There is a familiar political pathology in America: the belief that a sufficiently loud man, armed with enough self-regard, can bully history into obedience. Donald Trump is the latest and most flamboyant specimen of this disease. He has never merely claimed to understand the Middle East; he has acted as though his ignorance were itself a form of genius, as though instinct, bluster, and a talent for television could substitute for intelligence, memory, discipline, and judgment. The tragedy is not simply that he misunderstands the region. It is that he mistakes his misunderstanding for mastery.

The Middle East has a special way of exposing frauds. It does not care about branding. It does not care about poll-tested phrases or reality-show swagger. It does not care how many times a leader declares himself “strong” or “smart.” The region has humiliated kings, presidents, generals, and diplomats who arrived convinced that they alone had cracked the code. Trump belongs to that long and embarrassing procession of men who imagined that certainty was a substitute for knowledge. It never is.

The old saying is that the proof of the pudding is in the eating. In Trump’s case, the proof of his grasp of the Middle East is in the outcomes he leaves behind: confusion dressed up as dealmaking, vanity dressed up as strategy, and improvisation dressed up as doctrine. Every misstep reveals the same thing: this is a man who wants the prestige of statesmanship without the discipline of statecraft. He wants the applause of hard decisions without the burden of understanding what those decisions actually mean.

If there is a single historical comparison that should haunt Trump, it is not some flattering businessman’s tale, but the cautionary example of Neville Chamberlain. Chamberlain also believed that personal confidence, concessions, and theatrical gestures could buy peace from dangerous men with dangerous ambitions. He returned waving paper; history returned with war. The lesson was never that diplomacy is worthless. The lesson was that diplomacy detached from reality is delusion with stationery. Trump, in his own way, has inherited that same temptation: to confuse motion with progress, ceremony with achievement, and a headline with a strategy.

Then there is Jimmy Carter, whose Middle East legacy is a study in the dangers of moral vanity unaccompanied by strategic clarity. Carter was not Trump’s mirror image in temperament; he was its opposite. But both men shared an American habit of believing that the region could be tamed if only one could find the right formula, the right pressure, the right combination of egos at the table. The Middle East is not a self-help seminar. It is not a place where human sincerity magically dissolves ideology, power, theology, and grievance. It is a place where weakness is read as invitation. Carter learned that too late. Trump has never seemed interested in learning at all.

What makes Trump so dangerous is not that he is uniquely original. It is that he is so recognizably American in his arrogance. He sees the world as a deal sheet, a balance of wins and losses, a contest in which every other actor will eventually do what is rational if only the pressure is applied long enough. But Middle Eastern politics has never been governed by the narrow rationalism of American boardrooms. States, militias, clerics, and strongmen often act from honor, vengeance, ideology, historical memory, and strategic patience. They are willing to absorb pain for long-term gain. They are willing to wait. They are willing to let the other side grow tired, distracted, or vain. Trump’s greatest weakness is that he appears incapable of imagining an opponent who does not think like a developer in Manhattan.

That blindness matters, because the region punishes not merely bad intentions but shallow comprehension. A president who mistakes rhetoric for leverage will soon discover that adversaries notice the difference. A president who believes threats can be made credible by shouting louder will find, sooner or later, that the world has already measured his seriousness and found it thin. A president who mistakes spectacle for policy will leave behind not peace, but a stage-set collapsing under its own weight.

The Rambam insisted that genuine wisdom begins with an honest perception of reason, rationalism and  reality. That is precisely where demagogues struggle. A demagogue is not merely someone who inflames passions. He is someone who becomes captive to his own mythology. He begins to believe that applause is evidence of truth, that personal charisma can suspend geopolitical reality, and that every setback is someone else’s fault. Such leaders do not merely deceive the public. Eventually, they deceive themselves.

The Jewish tradition has always distrusted exactly this sort of grandeur.That is a hard lesson for a narcissist, because reality is always less flattering than the fantasy he constructs around himself. Trump has built an entire political identity on the refusal to be corrected. He does not merely reject expertise; he treats expertise as a personal insult. He does not merely dismiss criticism; he turns it into proof of his superiority. That posture may thrill followers who crave simplifications. It is catastrophic in a region where simplification is the shortest road to defeat.

The Middle East is full of leaders who understand one another’s weakness better than Americans do. They know when a president is performing strength and when he is exercising it. They know when a promise is backed by conviction and when it is merely backed by a microphone. Trump’s politics have always depended on making the audience feel that he is the only adult in the room. The problem is that the room he keeps entering is filled with people who have spent generations learning how to outlast men like him.

America deserves leaders who know the difference between cleverness and competence. It deserves leaders who understand that history is not a set of marketing opportunities. It deserves leaders who can read the region before trying to remold it. Trump has offered none of that. He has offered noise, vanity, bravado, and the persistent illusion that the world will bow to him because he says it should. That is not leadership. That is a form of political solipsism.

And so the pudding remains. Every blunder, every misread, every inflated claim followed by diminished reality adds another spoonful. The Middle East has already passed its judgment. The verdict is not subtle. Trump did not bring clarity to the region. He brought confusion. He did not deepen American understanding. He advertised American ignorance. And in the end, history will remember what it always remembers: not the volume of the boast, but the size of the collapse.

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The best Orthodox Jewish blogs curated and ranked based on multiple factors, including content relevancy, subject expertise, posting frequency, and freshness of content. Blogs with highest credibility within the Orthodox Jewish space are ranked higher. This list is updated regularly to ensure it reflects the most active, influential, and valuable Orthodox Jewish blogs on the internet today. https://bloggers.feedspot.com/orthodox_jewish_blogs/

 

REPUBLISHED

https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/the-proof-of-trumps-ignorance-of-the-middle-east-is-in-the-pudding-of-mistakes/

 

Nobel Prize Winning Game Theory on Israel vs Hamas’ w Prof. Robert Aumann

 

"An America Without Israel, Is A Weaker America"

 

Trump in Turkey (Israel's Best Friend)

 

BREAKING NEWS: Netanyahu Reacts To Trump's Meeting With Turkey's Erdogan Forbes Breaking News

 

מָה רַבּוּ מַעֲשֶׂיךָ יְהוָה, כֻּלָּם בְּחָכְמָה עָשִׂיתָ, מָלְאָה הָאָרֶץ קִנְיָנֶךָ

 

Witkoff & Kushner To Funeral For Negotiations with the Ayatollah’s Turban

 

There are diplomatic missions, there are peace summits, and then there is the inevitable next chapter in the foreign policy of Donald Trump: dispatching Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner to the funeral of Iran's Supreme Leader—not to pay respects, but to negotiate directly with the Ayatollah's turban before it is lowered into the ground.

Why waste time with governments when you can negotiate with the wardrobe?

One can almost imagine the scene. The funeral procession moves solemnly through Tehran. Millions gather in mourning. The clerics chant. The cameras roll. Then, emerging from a black SUV, comes the American negotiating team carrying leather portfolios and term sheets. Before the mourners can finish reciting the prayers, someone whispers, "Quick! See if the turban is willing to make a deal."

Perhaps the turban is more flexible than the regime that wore it.

After all, this has become the defining illusion of Trump's approach to hostile dictatorships: every fanatic is merely an overlooked real estate developer waiting for the right offer. The problem is never ideology, revolutionary theology, or decades of declared hostility. The problem, apparently, is that nobody has offered sufficiently attractive financing terms.

Maybe the turban simply needs a better incentive package.

The satire writes itself because reality increasingly resembles political theater. Every crisis becomes another episode in which America's adversaries are assumed to be one meeting away from moderation. Never mind that revolutionary regimes often interpret negotiations as opportunities to gain time, divide alliances, and strengthen their strategic position. In this worldview, history is replaced by optimism wrapped in transactional language.

One can picture Kushner presenting glossy architectural renderings. "Imagine this," he says. "The Islamic Republic Luxury Peace Resort. Waterfront access. Golf course. International investment. We can call it Ayatollah Towers."

Meanwhile, Witkoff quietly asks whether sanctions relief can be bundled with complimentary valet parking.

The mullahs need not even answer immediately. They understand that every American envoy arriving in Tehran signals something valuable: Washington wants an agreement more urgently than they do. In negotiations, desperation is a currency. Revolutionary regimes know how to spend it.

This is not merely about one funeral or one negotiation. It is about confusing ceremony with strategy and symbolism with leverage. A regime built upon ideological conviction does not suddenly abandon its ambitions because another delegation arrives carrying promises of economic normalization. The cemetery is not a conference center.

Perhaps the final negotiation will indeed take place—with the turban itself. It cannot reject proposals. It cannot demand concessions. It cannot enrich uranium. It is, in many respects, the easiest negotiating partner imaginable.

If only America's adversaries were as accommodating as their headwear.

One can almost imagine the scene. The funeral procession moves solemnly through Tehran. Millions gather in mourning. The clerics chant. The cameras roll. Then, emerging from a black SUV, comes the American negotiating team carrying leather portfolios and term sheets.

Standing just beyond the security cordon is a fictional welcoming committee. A few smiling Chabad emissaries have somehow managed to appear—as they seem to do in every corner of the globe—with a table of kosher sandwiches, bottled water, and warm hospitality for every Jewish visitor, regardless of politics. "Before you negotiate with the turban," one jokes, "at least have something to eat." When Kushner is asked "are you Jewish", he pockets a sandwich to take home to his wife; "now you know"!

Nearby, Jewish travelers of every stripe gather around the kosher food, arguing animatedly—as Jews have done for centuries—about whether any of this is a good idea. The only point of unanimous agreement is that nobody should negotiate on an empty stomach.

Meanwhile, the diplomats hurry past the buffet. After all, history cannot be allowed to interfere with the next photo opportunity.

The irony is delicious. The kosher food is unquestionably real. The hospitality is genuine. The optimism about striking a grand bargain with revolutionary ideologues remains the most fictional thing at the funeral.

Political satire succeeds because it exaggerates recognizable tendencies rather than inventing them. The joke is not really about a funeral, a turban, or another diplomatic mission. The joke is about believing that every geopolitical problem has a transactional solution if only the salesman is persistent enough. History, unfortunately, has rarely been impressed by salesmanship. Ideological revolutions have seldom been negotiated into retirement. They end because ideas lose their power, regimes lose their coercive capacity, or determined adversaries impose costs that can no longer be ignored.

Even a turban knows that.

REPUBLISHED

https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/witkoff-kushner-to-funeral-for-negotiations-with-the-ayatollahs-turban/

America at 250: The Founders Could Not Imagine the Tragedy of Donald Trump

The danger is bigger than one president: it is a culture that prizes personal loyalty over constitutional government

There is a bitter irony in celebrating America's 250th birthday while asking a question that would have bewildered James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and George Washington: How does a nation born in rebellion against the cult of one man become so consumed by another?

The Founders feared kings. They feared demagogues. They feared mobs intoxicated by emotion rather than reason. They feared factions that would substitute loyalty to personalities for loyalty to the Constitution. Read the debates of the Constitutional Convention. Read The Federalist Papers. Read Washington's Farewell Address. Their anxiety was never merely about foreign enemies. It was about what free people might willingly do to themselves.

America was designed to produce citizens—not courtiers.

The rabbis of the Talmud understood the same danger long before Philadelphia. The Mishnah teaches, "Pray for the welfare of the government, for were it not for fear of it, people would swallow one another alive" (Pirkei Avot 3:2). Government is necessary because human beings are imperfect. Yet the same rabbinic tradition refuses to sanctify rulers. Government is indispensable, but rulers remain accountable to a law higher than themselves.

The Talmud repeatedly insists that no king stands above the Torah. The prophet Nathan publicly rebuked David. King David's greatness lay not in being flawless, but in accepting moral judgment. Jewish civilization does not celebrate infallible leaders; it celebrates leaders who remain subject to justice.

Perhaps no rabbinic maxim is more relevant than Hillel's timeless warning: "Do not separate yourself from the community, and do not trust yourself until the day of your death" (Pirkei Avot 2:4). Even the righteous are cautioned against believing themselves beyond error. If an individual should never place absolute trust in himself, how much less should an entire nation place absolute trust in any politician.

Donald Trump has become not merely a politician but the gravitational center of American public life. Every debate bends toward him. Every crisis is filtered through him. Every election becomes a referendum on him. Admirers often defend him reflexively, while critics frequently define themselves almost entirely in opposition to him. The individual eclipses the institution.

That inversion should alarm conservatives as much as liberals. The Constitution was written precisely because the Founders assumed no leader, however talented or popular, could safely be trusted with unbounded public devotion. Their political philosophy and the rabbinic worldview converge on one essential point: human beings require restraints because power magnifies human weakness.

The Talmud goes even further. In Sanhedrin, the sages debate the powers and limitations of kings not to glorify monarchy but to restrain it. Elsewhere, the principle "The law of the land is the law" (Dina de-Malkhuta Dina) affirms the legitimacy of civil authority while never suggesting that rulers themselves become objects of reverence. Law—not personality—is sovereign.

Moses, the greatest leader in Jewish history, was denied entry into the Promised Land. Why? Because Judaism insists that no leader is indispensable. God's covenant outlives every individual. The mission survives the man. That may be the most profound political lesson in the Hebrew Bible.

America's Founders reached a remarkably similar conclusion. George Washington's greatest act was not winning the Revolutionary War but relinquishing power. He demonstrated that the presidency belongs to the Constitution, not to the president. Washington and Moses, though separated by millennia and radically different contexts, each embodied the principle that enduring institutions matter more than personal glory.

The deeper tragedy is cultural. Politics has ceased to be primarily about preserving liberty and has too often become performance. Outrage is monetized. Humiliation substitutes for persuasion. Celebrity overshadows character. Every day demands another spectacle. The Founders envisioned public servants; modern America too often rewards public performers.

Donald Trump did not create every weakness in American civic life. He emerged from a culture already captivated by celebrity, polarization, and perpetual outrage. In that sense, he reflects broader currents as much as he shapes them. Yet the constitutional question remains unchanged: Will Americans remain loyal first to institutions and principles, or increasingly to personalities?

The rabbis taught that machloket l'shem shamayim—disagreement for the sake of Heaven—strengthens a community because truth emerges through honest argument rather than unquestioning loyalty. The debates of Hillel the Elder and Shammai became sacred precisely because neither side demanded blind allegiance. A civilization that values argument over adulation is more likely to preserve its freedom.

Two hundred and fifty years after the Declaration of Independence, the challenge is not whether America can produce another charismatic leader. It is whether Americans still possess the civic discipline to remember that the presidency is an office, not a throne; that patriotism belongs to the Constitution, not to a person; and that the Republic is always greater than the personality temporarily entrusted to lead it.

The Founders warned against concentrated political power. The sages warned against concentrated moral certainty. Together they teach the same enduring lesson: free societies survive not because they discover perfect leaders, but because they refuse to treat any leader as perfect.

 

REPUBLISHED *FEATURED POST*

https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/america-at-250-the-founders-could-not-imagine-the-tragedy-of-donald-trump/

Zionism is the belief that the Jewish people possess the right to live freely in their ancestral homeland, to shape their future, defend their dignity, preserve their civilization and contribute their values and wisdom to humanity.

 

What Zionism Is and What It Is Not

By Ari D. Berman

In parts of America and Europe, the word “Zionism” has become little more than a slogan shouted by opposing sides at protests. It can be a term of pride or a biting shorthand for anger toward and condemnation of Israel and its supporters. This has led to a profound misunderstanding of what Zionism is and what it is not. The misuse of the word has flattened its dimensionality. It has, effectively, lost its meaning in the larger public.

Zionism is the belief that the Jewish people possess the right to live freely in their ancestral homeland, to shape their future, defend their dignity, preserve their civilization and contribute their values and wisdom to humanity. A Jewish homeland is understood as the primary vehicle for Jews to build a flourishing society, with all its residents, non-Jews and Jews alike, that manifests and broadcasts the core Torah values of human dignity, justice and compassion. The term predates the modern state of Israel by decades. And the origin story of Zionism began centuries before that.

In the Book of Genesis, we are told how God blessed Abraham and his descendants with a land from which they would be a blessing to “all the families of the earth.” That promise was held in the hearts of the Israelites during 400 years of bondage in Egypt. It inspired their return to the birthplace of their ancestors, as well as the founding of the first Jewish commonwealth, which grew, under King Solomon, to become a center of commerce, wisdom and morality.

Expulsions of the Jews from Israel, first in the Babylonian era and then in the Roman era, gave rise to a collective mourning that is expressed again and again in Jewish liturgy. To this day, Jews prevail upon God three times daily for the blessing of the land on which they can build a society. And in the blessings after meals, they thank God for giving us a “precious, good and spacious” land as a heritage.

The longing for the land translated into continued Jewish presence throughout its long history of foreign rulers, including a significant increase in Jewish communities in the 19th century. At this point, the modern Zionist vision began to take root.

In his 1896 seminal text on the idea of Jewish self-determination, “Der Judenstaat,” Theodor Herzl envisioned a Jewish state that would benefit humanity, writing, “Whatever we attempt there for our own benefit will redound mightily and beneficially to the good of all mankind.”

In the wake of pogroms in Russia and the Dreyfus affair in France, Herzl, the founder of the modern Zionist movement, believed that Zionism would unshackle the Jews from the constraints of physical fear as well as professional, social and generational discrimination. It would enable them to create a society that would serve as the fullest expression of themselves and to contribute most robustly to the world.

Early Zionist thinkers envisioned Jews and non-Jews living peacefully alongside each other in an inclusive country that adhered to the highest of moral callings. The mission of Zionism, as expressed by the early-20th-century journalist Ahad Ha’am (a nom de plume), was to create “a Jewish state and not merely a state of Jews.”

Israel’s first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, espoused a similar idea, saying that Israel’s ultimate successes would be determined “not by its riches or military power nor by its technical skills but by its moral worth and human values.”

From its inception, the Jewish homeland committed itself to both Jewish self-determination and the full dignity and equal citizenship of people of all faiths and backgrounds. This commitment is enshrined in Israel’s 1948 Declaration of Independence, after the country’s establishment by the United Nations. Like many national ideals, it has been tested by war, fear, extremism, political failure and competing national aspirations. The reality today does not always reflect the fullness of the vision of early Zionist thinkers. And yet the challenges and setbacks of any given moment do not invalidate the underlying promise of the idea itself.

Just as America’s founding democratic ideals continue to unfold imperfectly, the promise of Zionism is not one that is finished in its creation but an ideal that is refined and built upon each generation. Israel has advanced on that promise by creating a society built on freedom, opportunity and the rule of law, as well as by generating breakthroughs in science and medicine that improve and save lives around the world. A belief in the potential of Zionism is a belief in the obligation to continue to create the ideals for which it strives.

None of this means one cannot criticize the policies and practices of an Israeli administration. Anti-Zionism, however, goes much further and rejects the idea of Jewish self-determination entirely. Those who would deny the Jews the right to a Jewish state, in a world that comfortably accepts Muslim and Christian states, are discriminating against Jews. It is here that anti-Zionism crosses over to antisemitism.

Reducing Zionism to flags, slogans or epithets provides cover for those who seek Israel’s destruction and ignores all the good the Zionist project has wrought. An Israeli research hospital that is home to both Jewish and non-Jewish scientists, doctors and nurses, all working toward the same goal, is a Zionist enterprise. So, too, is Israel’s court system, composed of Jewish, Muslim, Christian and Druze judges.

When a pro-Israel Jewish university, like mine in New York, educates psychologists who restore dignity, attorneys who protect the vulnerable, social workers who strengthen families, dentists who provide care to underserved communities or scientists who pursue groundbreaking discoveries — empowering students from every background to bring healing, dignity and opportunity into the world — that is also inspired by the Zionist mission.

While the modern state of Israel was founded on the ashes of the Holocaust and served as a safe haven for refugees, Zionism always aspired to be more than simply an answer to or refuge from antisemitism. It was a means of allowing Jews to live to their greatest potential, unfettered by the restrictive, often brutal, experiences of living in foreign lands. Zionism is thus an answer to a 3,800-year-old yearning, not only a response to a modern crisis.

Seen through the lens of its history and ultimate purpose, Zionism becomes a framework for constructive dialogue and renewed inspiration. From its biblical beginnings until today, Zionism has carried one of humanity’s most enduring ideas: that a people, rooted in its values and returned to its homeland, can build a society that honors faith, dignity, responsibility and hope.

 

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/01/opinion/zionism-jewish-israel.html

Trump ‘Put On Notice’: Iran’s MAKE-OR-BREAK Warning Amid Big Tussle Over Deal | Full Detail

 Iran has hardened its stance against the United States, declaring that no final nuclear agreement will be possible until Washington fully honours what Tehran says are its commitments under the June 17 memorandum of understanding. Iranian officials also insist that trust has eroded following alleged violations of the agreement and renewed tensions over the Strait of Hormuz. As negotiations remain frozen and regional security hangs in the balance, the latest warning raises fresh questions about the future of U.S.-Iran diplomacy and stability across the Middle East.

Supreme Court Lets $5 Million Sex Abuse Verdict Against Trump Stand

 

President Trump had asked the justices to intervene after a jury found that he had sexually abused and defamed the writer E. Jean Carroll.

In May 2023, a federal jury in New York found in President Trump liable for sexually abusing and defaming the writer E. Jean Carroll.

The Supreme Court on Monday declined a request by President Trump to review a $5 million civil judgment against him after a jury found in 2023 that he sexually abused and defamed the writer E. Jean Carroll.

The announcement by the justices did not include any reasoning, and no public dissents were noted.

A second case that arose out of Ms. Carroll’s allegations also could be headed to the Supreme Court. In January 2024, a separate jury ordered Mr. Trump to pay Ms. Carroll $83.3 million in damages for defaming her in 2019 after she accused him of a decades-old rape.

Lawyers for Mr. Trump have said they plan to ask that the justices also hear that case.

Still, Monday’s decision is a major blow to Mr. Trump, likely marking the end of his legal efforts to contest the jury verdict finding that he assaulted Ms. Carroll in the mid-1990s in a department store dressing room.

It came after the court ruled in February that the president had overstepped his authority by issuing sweeping tariffs using emergency powers. That decision, which dealt a sharp blow to Mr. Trump’s economic and foreign policy strategy, drew sharp criticism from the president, who referred to the justices who voted against the tariffs as “fools and lap dogs” and a “disgrace to our nation.”

After the court’s announcement on Monday, Mr. Trump’s legal team released a statement calling Ms. Carroll’s cases a “Democrat-funded travesty” and adding that “President Trump will keep winning against liberal lawfare.”

In May 2023, a federal jury in New York found the president liable for sexually abusing and defaming Ms. Carroll.

The jury agreed that Ms. Carroll, a former magazine writer, had sufficiently shown that Mr. Trump sexually abused her in a dressing room of the Bergdorf Goodman department store when the two crossed paths in the 1990s. Further, the jury found that Mr. Trump had defamed Ms. Carroll by posting a statement on social media calling her case “a complete con job” and “a Hoax and a lie.” Throughout, Mr. Trump denied Ms. Carroll’s allegations.

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Among other evidence, the jury heard claims by two women in addition to Ms. Carroll that Mr. Trump had assaulted them, and an excerpt from the infamous “Access Hollywood” tape in which Mr. Trump can be heard bragging that he had a practice of grabbing and kissing women without consent.

After the verdict, Mr. Trump appealed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, asserting, among other things, that the trial judge, Lewis A. Kaplan, erred by allowing the evidence of the two women and the tape excerpt to be shown to the jury.

In December 2024, a three-judge appeals court panel upheld the jury’s verdict, finding that Mr. Trump failed to show that the evidence had harmed his rights to a fair trial.

Mr. Trump then asked the justices to weigh in and find that the trial court had erred.

In a brief to the court, lawyers for Mr. Trump described the evidence as “multiple decades-old, unverified and unrelated allegations.”

They also claimed that the appeals court had incorrectly applied the law and argued that the justices needed to step in because “if left uncorrected, these errors will recur in a host of future civil and criminal cases.”

Lawyers for Ms. Carroll asked the justices to reject the president’s petition.

In a brief to the justices, lawyers for Ms. Carroll wrote that the Supreme Court “routinely declines” to take up cases “when the questions presented are irrelevant to the outcome below.” They added, “such is the case here.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/29/us/politics/supreme-court-trump-sexual-assault.html

The Friday Night Presidency

 

US stock futures climb after halt on US strikes in Iran –- Sunday Evening Wall St. Headlines

 

The paradox is striking. A president determined to project strength may inadvertently create an expectation that every use of force is temporary, every escalation reversible, and every conflict destined to end at the negotiating table before financial markets become too uncomfortable.

There is a rhythm to the way Donald Trump now manages war. It is becoming almost as predictable as the opening bell on Wall Street.

Bombs fall after the markets close on Friday. The headlines are terrifying. Television panels speak of escalation, retaliation, and the possibility of a wider Middle East war. The weekend is consumed by images of explosions, satellite photographs, military briefings, and dramatic declarations of strength. Then, almost on cue, comes the next act before the futures markets begin trading Sunday night or before Monday’s opening bell: calls for negotiations, peace talks, ceasefires, or “historic deals.” Suddenly the language changes from shock and awe to optimism and diplomacy.

The markets breathe a sigh of relief. Stock futures rise. Investors convince themselves that the worst has passed. Until the next Friday.

This is not merely military strategy. It increasingly resembles market psychology wrapped in foreign policy. The objective appears to be producing maximum political theater while minimizing sustained financial panic. War becomes episodic. Escalation becomes temporary. Every military strike is followed by an equally dramatic promise that peace is just around the corner.

The financial markets have learned the pattern. Traders are no longer reacting solely to missiles and bombers. They are reacting to presidential messaging. A strike on Friday is no longer simply a military event; it is followed by speculation that negotiations will be announced before Asian markets open. The White House has inadvertently created its own geopolitical trading cycle.

But wars are not earnings reports.

Iran, its proxies, and America’s adversaries are not portfolio managers studying futures contracts. They are calculating military advantage, political weakness, and strategic opportunity. They understand that democracies often seek immediate calm while authoritarian regimes are perfectly willing to endure prolonged instability. If America’s military actions become predictable, predictability itself becomes a strategic liability.

History repeatedly demonstrates that military campaigns cannot be managed according to market calendars. Markets crave certainty. War produces uncertainty. Trying to synchronize the two risks satisfying neither. Investors may enjoy temporary rallies, but enemies are unlikely to adjust their operational planning because Wall Street prefers green numbers on Monday morning.

Perhaps this approach reflects Trump’s lifelong instincts as a businessman. Financial confidence has always occupied a central place in his political worldview. Rising markets are treated as a national referendum on presidential success. But the battlefield obeys different laws than the stock exchange. Markets reward confidence; military adversaries test it relentlessly.

There is another danger lurking beneath this cycle. If every military escalation is immediately followed by overtures for negotiation, America’s threats may gradually lose credibility. Allies begin asking whether every show of force is simply another prelude to talks. Adversaries begin calculating that they need only absorb the initial blow before Washington seeks another diplomatic exit.

Deterrence depends not merely on military capability but on the perceived willingness to sustain pressure when necessary.

The paradox is striking. A president determined to project strength may inadvertently create an expectation that every use of force is temporary, every escalation reversible, and every conflict destined to end at the negotiating table before financial markets become too uncomfortable.

Perhaps Wall Street applauds. History may render a different verdict.

*

The best Orthodox Jewish blogs curated and ranked based on multiple factors, including content relevancy, subject expertise, posting frequency, and freshness of content. Blogs with highest credibility within the Orthodox Jewish space are ranked higher. This list is updated regularly to ensure it reflects the most active, influential, and valuable Orthodox Jewish blogs on the internet today. https://bloggers.feedspot.com/orthodox_jewish_blogs/

 

REPUBLISHED

https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/the-friday-night-presidency/

Sam Harris on Trump's Iran Deal: A Fully Humiliating Capitulation - My Full Agreement With Sam! (Except for a Few F Bombs :-)

 Sam Harris on Trump's Iran Deal: A Fully Humiliating Capitulation https://youtu.be/koCj-Ds6KSE?si=mByqXmlzeiN-JC4p via

@YouTube

Obama Gave Us Trump. Biden Brought Him Back. Trump Gave Us Global Instability—and Mamdani & Company.

 Many Israelis initially viewed Trump's return with optimism. After all, this was the president associated with the recognition of Jerusalem, the Abraham Accords, and a generally confrontational posture toward Iran. But Jews should know better than to confuse tactical victories with strategic realities. The question is never what happens this week. The question is what happens five years from now.

 

Among the oldest mistakes in Jewish history is the belief that history moves in straight lines. It never does. The Jews left Egypt and found themselves in the wilderness. They returned from Babylon and discovered new enemies waiting at the gates. Every apparent victory carried within it the seeds of a future crisis. American politics has proven no different.

For many American Jews, the election of Barack Obama represented the triumph of a certain vision of America—cosmopolitan, educated, internationalist, and confident. Yet politics abhors a vacuum. The cultural and political backlash that accumulated during the Obama years did not disappear; it exploded. Out of that backlash emerged Donald Trump, a political force unlike anything America had seen in modern times. The irony is almost biblical. The movement that believed it was burying old forms of populism ended up awakening them with unprecedented force.

Then came Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, promising a restoration of normalcy. Yet instead of ending the Trump era, they unintentionally preserved it. Every inflationary shock, every border controversy, every cultural battle, every perception of governmental weakness became fuel for Trump's political resurrection. What was supposed to be a political funeral became a resurrection. Trump did not crawl out of the grave himself. His opponents helped dig him out.

Many Israelis initially viewed Trump's return with optimism. After all, this was the president associated with the recognition of Jerusalem, the Abraham Accords, and a generally confrontational posture toward Iran. But Jews should know better than to confuse tactical victories with strategic realities. The question is never what happens this week. The question is what happens five years from now.

Israel's greatest strategic asset has never been a single American president. It has been a stable American-led international order. For eighty years, America's alliances, deterrence, military strength, and political predictability created a world in which Israel could thrive. Once that order begins to crack, everyone feels the consequences—especially a small Jewish state surrounded by adversaries.

The tragedy is that global instability rarely announces itself dramatically at first. It appears as uncertainty. Allies become nervous. Enemies become adventurous. Deterrence becomes ambiguous. Every actor starts testing limits. Iran tests. China tests. Russia tests. Terrorist organizations test. The world becomes less about rules and more about guessing who is willing to enforce them.

The Jewish people should be particularly sensitive to this danger because Jewish history is largely the story of what happens when great powers become distracted, divided, or exhausted. Jews prosper under stability. We suffer under chaos. The twentieth century taught that lesson in blood. The twenty-first century seems determined to teach it again.

And then comes the domestic consequence. Political instability never stays confined to foreign policy. It eventually transforms the internal politics of a nation. Figures such as Zohran Mamdani and others on the progressive left do not emerge in a vacuum. They are products of a political system that has lost its center of gravity. When institutions lose credibility, ideological movements rush to fill the void. The result is a political landscape increasingly hostile to the broad pro-Israel consensus that once united Democrats and Republicans alike.

This should concern American Jews far more than the daily partisan warfare dominating cable news. Presidents come and go. Coalitions rise and fall. What matters is whether the cultural and political foundations supporting Israel remain intact. A generation ago, support for Israel was one of the few issues capable of bridging partisan divides. Today, that consensus is under pressure from both extremes.

The lesson for Jews and Israelis is therefore uncomfortable but necessary. Do not place your faith in political messiahs. Not in Obama. Not in Biden. Not in Trump. Jewish history contains a standing prohibition against the worship of golden calves, yet every generation seems determined to manufacture new ones.

Obama's era helped create the conditions for Trump. Biden's era helped bring Trump back. Trump's return may create conditions that strengthen forces his supporters never intended to empower. History is filled with such ironies.

The Jewish people have survived Pharohs, Caesars, Inquisitors, Czars, Nazis, Soviet commissars, and countless political saviors who promised to reshape the world. The enduring lesson is not to place faith in personalities but in realities. For Israel, the reality that matters most is not who occupies the White House today. It is whether the international order remains stable enough tomorrow for the Jewish state to defend itself, prosper, and endure.

That is the question Israelis should be asking. Everything else is merely the noise of the moment.

 

REPUBLISHED

https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/obama-gave-us-trump-biden-brought-him-back-plus-mamdani-friends/