We must enforce our laws over the ultra-Orthodox communities that refuse to teach their young people even the most basic modern subjects, much less serve in our army.

 Restoring Sovereignty

Never before in the history of our nation have our leaders had less latitude for decision-making.

Michael Oren Nov 11

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US Army and IDF soldiers at the Civil-Military Coordination Center in Israel, Oct. 28, 2025

Israel’s victory in the Middle East war that followed the October 7 attack in 2023 was one of the greatest in modern history. Generals will study it for generations. But every victory exacts a price, and the price that Israel paid was especially heavy. In addition to the tens of thousands who were harmed—killed, wounded, or suffered severe trauma—the billions of shekels spent, and the near collapse of our international relations, we paid a price also in terms of our sovereignty. Never before in the history of our nation have our leaders had less latitude for decision-making. Never before has our army enjoyed less freedom of action.

For the sake of fairness, in military matters, Israel has never been completely free. Beginning with the Sinai Campaign in 1956 and continuing with the wars of 1967, 1973, and 1982, as well as in every major operation in Gaza and in Lebanon, the United States told us exactly when to stop. And in almost all cases, we stopped. Only rarely, such as the destruction of the nuclear reactors in Iraq and in Syria, did Israel act contrary to America’s will. Much more typical was the situation in the First Gulf War in 1991, when, while missiles were falling on Tel Aviv, the United States ordered us not to go to war at all—and Israel obeyed.

But there is a huge difference between receiving an order to stop fighting and the need to receive approval every time we must act. This is the situation today when there are 200 American soldiers in Kiryat Gat and American drones are flying over Gaza. Stationed here are also soldiers from France and from Canada, countries that have not been particularly friendly toward Israel, as well as from overtly hostile Spain. Supposedly, they are here to monitor the implementation of the ceasefire agreement that Hamas violates almost every day, but in fact they can restrain Israel’s response to these violations.

Fortunately, as we saw the other week, President Trump understands that Israel “should hit back” when its soldiers are murdered by Hamas and the deceased hostages do not return. There may also be some advantage in having France and Spain lend legitimacy to our military responses. Nevertheless, there exists a feeling that even for a limited military action in Gaza, Israel must receive a green light from Washington.

This is an unprecedented situation—not only for Israel, but for any sovereign state. In planning the period after the war, Israel must strive to restore its foreign relations and to tirelessly seek peace with our neighbors. We must heal the deep wounds within us, but we are also obligated to restore our sovereignty.

We must extend our sovereignty over the Negev—62% of the country—where the Bedouin build illegally and smugglers deal drugs with impunity. We must enforce our laws over the ultra-Orthodox communities that refuse to teach their young people even the most basic modern subjects, much less serve in our army, and over the “hilltop youth” who flout those laws almost daily. Above all, we must reclaim our sovereignty over the main repository of our independence and the principal pride of our state, the IDF.