Israel
has launched a major military action against Iran, designed to disable
the Iranian nuclear threat. Iranian retaliation is expected. Rachmana
litzlan!
As
we all understand, these are extraordinary times. Let us gather
together in our batei knesios, batei medrashos, and homes to pour out
our hearts in fervent tefila to the Shomer Yisroel that He protect the
yoshvei Eretz Yisroel and all of Klal Yisroel from the evil designs of
our enemies.
And,
as the footsteps of Moshiach get louder and louder, let us recall our
mandate to be metzapim lyshua, yearning for the ultimate redemption, may
the Go'el Tzedek arrive speedily in our days!
Ah, the Haredim. Israel’s spiritual backbone. The true warriors in black and white. While the rest of the nation scrambles into bomb shelters, watches their children draft into combat, and wonders whether they’ll come home in one piece, the Haredi community is engaged in a far more harrowing battle: dodging national responsibility.
Let us take a moment to appreciate their courage—the courage to do absolutely nothing in a time of crisis. While soldiers sleep on rocky ground in Gaza, Haredi yeshiva students valiantly battle sleep over a gemara, in heated debates about the precise definition of pikuach nefesh (saving a life)—as long as it’s their own.
In times of war, the country is supposed to come together. But the Haredim know better. Why unify when you can spiritualize? While sirens wail, they heroically declare, “Our Torah learning protects the soldiers.” Yes, it’s the learning—not the tanks, not the air force, not the intelligence units—that keeps the rockets from falling. Someone tell Iron Dome to stop showing off.
Meanwhile, Israeli mothers cry as they send their sons to the front. Haredi rabbis cry too—as they craft yet another public letter reminding their followers to stay far, far away from any hint of national service. Their sacrifice? The unbearable agony of watching others risk their lives for the country that feeds, houses, and protects them.
And what about their contribution to the war effort? Excellent question. They contribute prayers—though only for themselves. And they contribute opinions—usually about how the secular government should be replaced by a Torah-based theocracy where, surprise surprise, they hold all the power and none of the draft cards.
But perhaps the real tragedy is how misunderstood they are. All they want is to be left alone, receive generous stipends, dodge taxes, get married at 18, and have ten children—all while never lifting a finger to defend the country they claim to love. Is that so wrong?
After all, in their eyes, war is punishment for Zionist arrogance. If only we were more like them—unemployed, unaccountable, and blissfully ignorant—God might finally bless us with peace.
So let us salute these brave heroes of the back benches. As missiles fall and soldiers bleed, they march boldly… to the nearest bakery. A cinnamon rugelach and a shir shel yom await—far more comforting than a helmet and rifle.
The Haredi Soldiers Who Served in Israel’s War of Independence
For seven months, Haredi yeshiva students who served in
"Gdud Tuvia" (Tuvia’s Battalion) proved that Torah study and IDF service
could go hand in hand. Rare documents describe the profound reflections
of those who viewed their military service as a sacred mission.
A group of Haredi recruits during
training. Photo: Fred Csasznik, IDF and Defense Establishment Archives
These were the enlistment numbers for Haredi Yeshiva students shortly
after the establishment of the State of Israel. 270 received medical
exemptions. 260 received exemptions on spiritual grounds. The rest,
under directives given by leading rabbis, enlisted in the struggle to
defend the fledgling state in its War of Independence. This enlistment
was the result of an agreement between the yeshivas and the IDF
enlistment offices: outstanding students would be exempted, and the
conditions of enlistment would allow recruits from the yeshivas to
continue studying Torah during their military service.
It was Tuvia Bier, a former Haganah member, who gathered the young
Haredi recruits and gave them a home – a new battalion for yeshiva
students. Bier was so dedicated to these soldiers that the battalion was
later named Gdud Tuvia (Tuvia’s Battalion) after him. For
seven months, the yeshiva students worked on setting up and
strengthening fortifications in bombarded Jerusalem, simply because
there was no time to provide proper training in anything else. They
weren’t sent to the front lines because they hadn’t learned to operate
firearms and also because of concerns that the world of Torah study
would be destroyed if they were to perish in battle.
They worked one-to-two days a week on fortifications and spent the
rest of their time studying Torah. They did most of their work at night,
both for security reasons and to avoid disrupting their study routines
at yeshiva.
The battalion was active for seven months before being disbanded.
Many praised it, but many others mocked the focus on fortification work,
which they perceived as a means to avoid combat service. People
commended the Haredi soldiers’ willingness to sacrifice their lives for
the defense of their homeland. Still, some wondered whether the work
carried out by the battalion truly justified the disruptions in Torah
study.
But what was going through the soldiers’ heads? How did they view
their service? Did they believe in the righteousness of the path they
had taken?
The Fortress
Like many other military units, the soldiers of Gdud Tuvia produced their own magazine. They called it Hamivtzar (“The
Fortress”), since fortifications accounted for the majority of their
work. In total, they managed to produce two issues, which were each
copied and distributed among the battalion’s soldiers, providing them a
platform where they could read, study, and even express themselves. The
two issues of Hamivtzar are preserved in the IDF and Defense
Establishment Archives, and they offer us insight into what the soldiers
were thinking and feeling at the time.
The cover of Issue No. 2 of Hamivtzar (“The Fortress”), 1948. Courtesy of the IDF and Defense Establishment Archives.
The Dilemma
The soldiers from the yeshivas struggled with the question of their
enlistment. It is as true today as it was back then. Was it right for
them to serve in the army? Is it appropriate for yeshiva students to set
aside the study of Torah for the sake of fortifying Jerusalem?
This question was asked in print in Hamivtzar, by a writer who identified himself as “M.S.”:
“Despite all the doubts, despite all the questions burning through
every yeshiva student’s mind: Is this even my duty at all? Am I
obligated to serve in any role in the war effort beyond my usual role as
a yeshiva student, which is no less crucial than any other military
role? Moreover, am I allowed to, even momentarily, leave the beit
midrash, the spiritual fortress of the Torah of Israel that protects us
in every generation?”
One page after this, the answer appears:
“This is the duty of every Jew in general, and our duty as yeshiva
students in particular. We are the next link of the golden chain of the
Torah of Israel, in action and deed. We are pulling the chariot of the
people up a treacherous slope towards the pinnacle of the hoped-for
redemption. We are the ones! This is our contemporary duty!”
A group of Haredi recruits during training. Photo: IDF and Defense Establishment Archives
How irreconcilable was this tension?
Throughout all the texts in Hamivtzar, the yeshiva students
emphasize that despite the mission they have now undertaken, they will
never for a moment forget their primary task – to study the Torah. This
is reiterated in the editorial section of the first issue ofHamivtzar.
“Our role so far has been fortification works, and indeed it is not
an easy task. We require significant activity and heightened dedication,
and at times, even significant risk, to fulfill this duty… However,
precisely because of the importance and value of this task, we must not
forget the essence, that the task imposed upon us should never lead us
to neglect our primary role, which is the study and observance of the
commandments of the Torah.”
The answer to the dilemma is not definitive. Some of the writers
viewed their military service as a mission, even a necessary step in the
redemption of Israel. Others were content with doing what needed to be
done under the circumstances. Some of them fulfilled their missions
mainly because “the rabbis instructed it.”
We’ll conclude this chapter with some moving words written by a certain “Mordechai”, under the title Sh’ma Yisrael [“Hear Ye, O Israel”], who viewed IDF service not only as a temporary necessity but as a true mission.
“Students of Torah, dwellers of the beit midrash, oarsmen in the sea
of Talmud, a tribe of priests whose generous spirit led them to take
part in our liberation struggle, these are the anointed priests who must
bring the word of God into the Israeli military camp. You are soldiers
of Hashem, you must raise your voice on high, to restore the pure faith
in the Eternal One of Israel who will not disappoint. For your eyes have
seen what He has done for us when we stood few against many – many
soldiers and many weapons – and we saw His greatness and wonders, it is
upon you to illuminate with the light of your Torah the hearts of our
soldiers who dedicate their lives for the sanctity of the nation and
homeland.”
What Next?
On the surface, the pilot program of Gdud Tuvia seems to have been a
failure. Ever since, those opposed to the enlistment of Haredi Jews in
the IDF have had the upper hand. Even today, decades later, the debate
over the enlistment of yeshiva students remains heated and volatile.
Just as it was back then.
But did the project truly fail? To a large extent, the ideas of Gdud
Tuvia have served as the foundation for the Hesder Yeshiva-military
service programs and IDF units like Netzah Yehuda that are operational
today. Perhaps the battalion’s principles can still be implemented in
one form or another in future programs as well. “Dad didn’t grasp the
enormity of the historical moment in real time; he simply did what he
did because he thought it was the right thing to do,” recounts Kobi
Bier, son of Tuvia, the commander of the yeshiva student battalion. “I
think with a bit of goodwill, we can resolve the intense debate over the
enlistment of Haredi Jews by using this model. We can set a certain
percentage of outstanding Torah students, grant them exemptions, and we
can find suitable solutions for the rest. I understand the concerns, but
just as we saw with Gdud Tuvia, solutions can always be found. There’s
no need to fear this.”
Tuvia Bier, commander of the yeshiva student battalion
You cannot run a First World country with Third World participation.
The solution is not to abandon the Haredim or to marginalize them - This is political
gangsterism hiding behind a black hat
Israel is being hollowed out from within—not by Hezbollah or Hamas, but by a growing faction of its own people: the Haredim. What began as a small community of Holocaust survivors clinging to their traditions has morphed into a politically powerful, economically dependent, and willfully irresponsible subculture that rejects the very idea of shared national responsibility. This is not an issue of religious freedom—it is a matter of national survival.
The Haredi population, currently about 13–15% of Israeli society, is growing rapidly due to high birth rates. Projections suggest they could constitute 25% or more of the population within a generation. Yet, most Haredi men do not serve in the IDF, do not participate meaningfully in the labor force, and depend disproportionately on state subsidies while refusing to teach basic subjects like math, English, and civics in their schools.
This creates a simple, unsustainable equation: fewer citizens carrying the burden of more dependents who do not share in national defense or economic productivity.
Haredi political parties wield disproportionate influence in Israel’s coalition system. They use this leverage to secure billions in funding for their institutions, protect draft exemptions, and block reforms to education and military service. Successive Israeli prime ministers—from Ben-Gurion to Netanyahu—have empowered these factions in exchange for political stability.
But stability built on appeasement has a cost: it weakens national unity, undermines rule of law, and alienates the secular and national-religious majority.
The claim that Torah study protects Israel like the army does is nonsensearticle of faith in the Haredi world. But faith alone cannot staff a hospital, defend a border, or build an economy.
No God-fearing Jew should believe that prayer exempts responsibility for action. Rambam (Maimonides) clearly stated that Torah scholars must not shirk civic duty or demand that the public support them unless they are truly exceptional. The blanket exemption of tens of thousands of able-bodied men is not supported by halakhic sources—it is a modern political fiction.
Israel’s high-tech economy thrives on education, innovation, and global integration. The Haredi community largely rejects all three. With low employment rates among men, a refusal to teach core curriculum, and a mindset of isolation from the broader world, the community is locking itself—and the country—into a dangerous future of poverty, dependence, and resentment.
The solution is not to abandon the Haredim or to marginalize them. It is to demand reform—real, enforceable, and fair. Mandatory National or Civil Service for all, including Haredi men.Core Curriculum Requirements in all schools receiving state funds.Gradual Reduction of Subsidies to encourage workforce participation. Inclusion, Not Isolation—creating pathways for Haredim to enter society without sacrificing faith.
Israel must ask itself: can it afford to have a growing minority that refuses the responsibilities of citizenship while enjoying its privileges? Can it remain a democracy if one group is allowed to operate outside its civic framework?This is not about hating religion or disrespecting Torah. This is about building a sustainable, ethical, and united Jewish state.The time has come to say: enough. Not with anger, but with clarity. The burden of sacrifice must be shared. The future of Israel depends on it.
The Haredi man who studies Talmud all day while his secular brother patrols the Gaza border is not a holy martyr—he is a draft-dodger cloaked in sanctimony. The yeshiva student who refuses to work, collect job skills, or pay taxes is not preserving Judaism—he is leeching off of it. Let’s
be clear: the Haredi leadership is not interested in “coexistence.” It
is interested in control.
Through decades of backroom coalition deals,
Haredi parties have siphoned billions into their institutions while
demanding ever more exemptions and special treatment. This is not
religious accommodation—it is extortion.They hold the government hostage,
threaten to bring it down if anyone dares suggest their sons should wear
a uniform or learn algebra, and shout “persecution” anytime
accountability is demanded. This is not Judaism. It is political
gangsterism hiding behind a black hat. Haredim
are the fastest-growing demographic in Israel.
They marry young, have
large families, and are trained to reject the modern world. Within two
generations, they could become a quarter or more of Israel’s population.
If today’s trends continue, Israel will be a state where a secular,
overtaxed, overburdened minority works, serves, and dies to support a
fundamentalist majority that sees them as spiritually inferior.You cannot run a First World country with Third World participation.
You
cannot win wars when a third of your men won’t fight. You cannot
maintain democracy when a rising population doesn’t even believe in it.The
claim that “Torah protects” is spiritual gaslighting. Nowhere in the
Torah does it say you are exempt from defending your people. Rambam
warned explicitly that anyone who avoids labor and lives off charity
under the guise of piety “profanes the name of God.” The generation that
fought in 1948 built the State of Israel with their hands and guns—while also learning Torah.
Today's Haredi leaders insult those
heroes by teaching their students that personal holiness outweighs
national duty. That is not Torah. It is cowardice in religious garb.
Israel
must stop begging the Haredim to join the nation and start demanding
it. No more blanket draft exemptions .No more public money for schools
that refuse to teach math, science, and civics. No more subsidies for men who refuse to work.
No more fear of rabbinic blackmail.This is not religious persecution. It is national preservation.
*
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We write to you as concerned members of the broader Jewish community—grateful for your commitment to supporting Torah study, but deeply troubled by a growing imbalance that undermines both our moral fabric and national unity.
For decades, you have extended extraordinary generosity to yeshivas in Israel, empowering thousands of young men to immerse themselves in sacred learning. This is a noble and time-honored cause. However, it is now imperative to recognize that unwavering support without accountability has fostered a system that exempts an entire population from the shared responsibility of national service.
The burden of defending the State of Israel—physically, emotionally, and spiritually—falls disproportionately on those who serve in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and other national service roles. This includes not only secular Israelis but also many religious Zionists, women, and immigrants, all of whom contribute to the collective good while risking their lives.
Meanwhile, a substantial segment of the Haredi community remains exempt from this burden. This is not sustainable, nor is it just.
We respectfully urge you: Do not host or support rabbinic delegations visiting the United States in June 2025 unless their institutions commit to a new standard.Specifically:
At least 50% of eligible yeshiva students should engage in some form of national service—be it military, civilian, medical, educational, or social service—by the end of the 2025-2026 academic year.
This is not a call to weaken Torah. On the contrary—it is a call to strengthen it by reestablishing a Judaism that balances study with sacrifice, rights with responsibilities. A Torah that inspires collective duty will be stronger and more respected by the next generation.
Philanthropy is a powerful force. Your influence can encourage a model of Jewish life that honors both spiritual devotion and civic duty. Let us move together toward a future where Torah scholars are also national contributors, where the yeshiva world is not isolated from the fate of the country, but an integral and respected part of it.
In love for Torah, people, and land,
Paul Mendlowitz
אייר תשפ"ה / מאי 2025
לכבוד תומכי התורה היקרים,
אנו פונים אליכם מתוך הערכה עמוקה למחויבותכם ללימוד תורה ולחיזוק עולם הישיבות בישראל, אך גם מתוך דאגה כנה לחוסר איזון הולך וגובר המאיים על אחדות עמנו ועל ערכיו הבסיסיים.
במשך עשורים רבים, נדבתם בנדיבות רבה למוסדות תורה בארץ, ואפשרתם לאלפי תלמידים להקדיש את חייהם ללימוד. זהו מעשה נשגב וראוי לשבח. אולם כיום עלינו להכיר באמת כואבת: תמיכה ללא תנאים יצרה מערכת שלמה המאפשרת לחלק גדול מן הציבור להשתמט מהחובה הלאומית המוטלת על כולנו — שירות למען הכלל.
הנטל של הגנה על מדינת ישראל — בנפש, בגוף וברוח — מונח כמעט כולו על כתפיהם של המשרתים בצה"ל ובשירות לאומי, מכל המגזרים: חילוניים, דתיים-לאומיים, עולים חדשים, נשים. הם נושאים בעול — תרתי משמע — תוך סכנת חיים. לעומתם, חלקים רחבים בציבור החרדי ממשיכים להשתמט.
ומה אומר הרמב"ם?
במשנה תורה, הלכות מלכים ומלחמות (פרק ז, הלכה ד), כותב הרמב"ם:
"במלחמת מצוה... הכל יוצאין, אפילו חתן מחדרו וכלה מחופתה."
הרמב"ם אינו משאיר מקום לספק — במצב של סכנה לקיום האומה, אין פטור. לא לתלמידי חכמים, לא לעוסקים בתורה, לא לאיש ולא לאישה. מדינת ישראל, המוקפת אויבים ונלחמת על קיומה, נמצאת במצב של מלחמת מצוה מתמדת.
אמנם במקום אחר (הלכות שמיטה ויובל, פרק יג, הלכה יג), הרמב"ם משבח את מי שמקדיש עצמו לעבודת ה' בלבד, אך הוא אינו קובע שזו סיבה להשתמט מהגנה על העם בשעת סכנה. קדושה אמיתית כוללת גם אחריות ציבורית.
קריאה למעשׂה
מתוך אהבה לתורה ומתוך דאגה לעתיד העם והארץ, אנו פונים אליכם בקריאה ברורה:
אל תתמכו באירוח של משלחות רבנים מחו"ל ביוני 2025 אלא אם כן ישיבותיהם מתחייבות כי לפחות 50% מהתלמידים ייטלו חלק כלשהו בשירות לאומי או אזרחי — עד סוף שנת הלימודים תשפ"ו.
אין זו קריאה להחלשת התורה — אלא לחיזוקה. אנו מאמינים בתורה המחברת בין לימוד למסירות נפש, בין זכויות לחובות, בין קדושה לערבות הדדית. תורה כזו תעמוד איתן בפני אתגרי הדור ותהיה למגדלור מוסרי לעם כולו.
לתמיכתכם יש השפעה עצומה. בידיכם הכוח להוביל שינוי — לעצב דור של תלמידי חכמים שאינם רק לומדים, אלא גם משרתים, מגינים ותורמים. הגיע הזמן לשוב לאיזון הראוי בין רוח לחומר, בין קודש לחול, בין תורה לאחריות לאומית.
Trump speaks with Netanyahu, stresses US wants Iran deal ‘so there’s no destruction and death’
Further nuclear negotiations planned for next
weekend as Tehran drafts counter-offer; PM said to tell Haredi MKs that
‘we’re in a dramatic period’ as he works to keep coalition together
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and United States President
Donald Trump held a 40-minute phone call on Monday evening, shortly
after Iran announced that it would soon respond to Washington’s latest proposal for a nuclear deal.
Following the call, Netanyahu held a a high-level security consultation focused on Iran.
In a sparse readout of the conversation, the Prime Minister’s Office
said the two leaders discussed Washington’s ongoing nuclear talks with
Tehran.
“President Trump told the Prime Minister that the United States has
presented a reasonable proposal to Iran and is expected to receive its
response in the coming days,” said the statement from Netanyahu’s
office.
It added that Trump informed Netanyahu “that he plans to hold another round of talks with Iran over the weekend.”
The statement did not provide any details about what Netanyahu said during the call.
For his part, Trump told reporters at the White House that the
conversation went “very well” and covered a variety of issues, including
the ongoing nuclear talks, adding that US has a meeting with Iran on
Thursday.
Iran’s foreign ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei later said the
“next round of Iran–US indirect negotiations was being planned for next
Sunday in Muscat,” according to a statement cited by Reuters.
Netanyahu stopped testifying earlier than scheduled in his corruption
trial to hold the call with Trump, which came as Jerusalem and
Washington wait for Hamas’s answer to a Gaza ceasefire and hostage
release deal, and as his ultra-Orthodox coalition partners are
threatening to topple the government if a Haredi enlistment exemption
bill is not passed.
PM said to tell top aides to meet with Witkoff
Netanyahu’s meeting after speaking with Trump included senior
security officials, National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, Finance
Minister Bezalel Smotrich, Defense Minister Israel Katz, Shas leader
Aryeh Deri and Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer, according to
Hebrew media.
Channel 13 later reported that Netanyahu instructed Dermer and Mossad
chief David Barnea to meet US special envoy Steve Witkoff before the
next round of US-Iran nuclear talks.
At the White House, Trump told reporters that the US “is trying to
make a deal [with Iran] so that there’s no destruction and death,”
adding that the Iranians are “tough negotiators.” Asked what’s blocking a
deal, Trump said, “They’re just asking for things that you can’t do,”
pointing to Tehran’s insistence on retaining its uranium-enrichment
capability—something Trump said he won’t permit, even though the latest
US proposal reportedly allows limited, low-level enrichment inside Iran
for a time.
“They have given us their thoughts on the deal, and I said it’s just
not acceptable,” he added, without specifying whether Iran has submitted
its response to the US nuclear deal proposal.
On Friday, Trump asserted that Iran would not be permitted to enrich
uranium as part of an agreement. “They won’t be enriching. If they
enrich, then we’re going to have to do it the other way,” he said,
hinting at a military option if a deal does not pan out, while
reiterating that he prefers a diplomatic solution.
Asked about the stalled hostage talks between Israel and Hamas, Trump
said on Monday they were continuing “and Iran actually is involved,”
without elaborating as to what he meant. Iran, a chief sponsor of Hamas
and other anti-Israel terror groups in the region, to date has not been
known to be a party to the talks.
“We’ll see what’s going to happen with Gaza. We want to get the hostages back,” Trump added.
“A historic window of opportunity”
The call with Trump came as Netanyahu has been meeting in recent days
with Haredi members of his ruling coalition and other senior coalition
figures, linking the current “opportunities and challenges” in Israel’s
security situation with the intense political turmoil he faces, Channel
12 reported Monday evening.
“We are in a dramatic period. There are extraordinary challenges on
the table. This is a historic window of opportunity that will not
return, and therefore, under no circumstances should the foundations of
the government be shaken,” the network quoted the premier as telling
some of the Knesset members during the meetings.
The report added that opposition figures are aware of the
conversations, saying Opposition Leader Yair Lapid learned about them
from MKs he met with to discuss the draft exemption law, and that other
lawmakers reported hearing similar messages. The Prime Minister’s Office
declined to comment on the report, the network said.
Channel 13 separately reported that US Ambassador Mike Huckabee has
been meeting Haredi politicians in an effort to calm the coalition
crisis, stressing that “government stability is important for addressing
the Iranian issue.”
Netanyahu’s circle is aware of the effort, and Huckabee’s office said
only that he is meeting “various figures” and that “the content of
those conversations remains private,” the report said.
“Since I have no doubt that Ambassador Huckabee respects Israel’s
independence and its democracy, I hope and believe that the report that
he is interfering in Israel’s internal politics and trying to help
Netanyahu [deal with] the ultra-Orthodox in the military draft law
crisis are not true. Israel is not a protectorate,” Lapid tweeted in
response to the TV report.
Netanyahu has called for Iran’s enrichment capabilities and nuclear
facilities to be fully dismantled, but assured the White House that
Israel won’t launch an attack on the Islamic Republic’s nuclear sites
unless Trump signals that the ongoing negotiations with Tehran have
failed, Axios reported last week, citing two Israeli officials familiar
with the matter.
In a reportedly stormy phone call between the two leaders late last
month, Trump told Netanyahu not to strike Iran’s nuclear facilities due
to fear that it would blow up Washington’s ongoing talks with Tehran.
Iran’s nuclear program ‘runs wide and deep’
In an interview aired by i24News Monday evening, the head of the
International Atomic Energy Agency, Rafael Grossi, said that Iran has
told him that Israeli strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities may cause it
to pursue nuclear weapons or abandon the Non-Proliferation Treaty.
Grossi said that such a strike by Israel “might have an amalgamating
effect which would make a determination in the part of Iran to go to a
nuclear weapon or to abandon the treaty on non-proliferation. I’m
telling you this because they have told me.”
The IAEA chief commented on the challenges he believes Israel would
face in striking the Islamic Republic’s nuclear sites: “Certainly this
program runs wide and deep. And when I say deep, I know what I’m saying.
So many of these facilities are extremely well protected. This would
require a very, very devastating force to affect it.”
The Americans didn’t wait for Hitler to become a nuclear power. Israel must not wait for the ayatollahs.
When history looks back on the Gaza War, it won’t only judge Hamas or the IDF—it will judge leadership. And Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, “Mr. Security,” will not be seen as a man of vision or clarity. Instead, he’ll be remembered for miscalculating the war, misreading the global moment, and tragically, misplacing his loyalty—to Donald Trump and to the dangerous politics of appeasement.
Netanyahu approached the war in Gaza with a political mindset rather than a military one. From the beginning, it was clear that he was not prepared to sacrifice his political base or coalition for a decisive victory. He empowered extremists, silenced generals, and prioritized survival over strategy. Instead of uniting the country and pursuing a clear military objective—destroy Hamas, rescue the hostages, and restore deterrence—he played games: delaying operations, undermining war cabinet unity, and avoiding decisions that might anger his ultra-Orthodox or far-right allies.
Bibi wanted a slow war, a grinding war, a war that would keep his political career on life support. But Israel doesn’t have the luxury of dragging things out. Every day of indecision was a day Hamas could regroup, Israel’s global legitimacy could weaken, and hostages could be lost forever. The IDF was ready for a knockout blow; Netanyahu wanted a photo op.
By prolonging the conflict and failing to present a viable plan for “the day after,” Netanyahu inadvertently gave Hamas a propaganda victory. Instead of isolating Hamas, Israel became the target of global outrage. College campuses turned hostile. European parliaments threatened sanctions. Even America’s support began to wobble.
Rather than lead with boldness, Netanyahu hesitated—letting Hamas survive politically, if not physically, and allowing a vacuum to grow in Gaza that Iran, Qatar, and other bad actors are eager to fill.
In the background of all this is Donald Trump— who praised Hezbollah as “very smart,” who attacked Israel’s intelligence services, and who openly said that Netanyahu “let him down” for congratulating Biden. This is the man who demanded loyalty from Israel, but offered none in return.
And yet, Netanyahu has tried to stay in Trump’s good graces. Why? Because he sees Trump-style politics as his model. But here’s the truth: Trump doesn’t care about Israel. He cares about Trump.
Any Israeli leader who panders to Trump at this point is betraying the country’s long-term security. The future of Israel depends on bipartisan American support, democratic allies, and a united Jewish people—not on the favor of a man who would throw Netanyahu (and Israel) under the bus for a hotel in Saudi Arabia and a golf course in Quatar.
Great leaders don’t cling to power—they risk it for their people. Netanyahu has failed that test. His refusal to conduct the Gaza war with clarity and resolve, and his ongoing obsession with pleasing Trump and his base, has made Israel weaker, not stronger.
History is watching. And unless something changes fast, Netanyahu will be remembered not as the man who protected Israel, but as the man who prolonged its agony to protect himself.
And Trump? Israel owes him nothing. Not loyalty, not silence, not respect. Tell him to go to hell.
The clock is ticking. Iran’s nuclear program is accelerating, its rhetoric is increasingly belligerent, and its proxies are more emboldened than ever. While diplomacy, sanctions, and cyberwarfare have slowed Iran’s progress in the past, today the Islamic Republic stands on the brink of deployable nuclear weapons capability. For Israel—a nation born in the shadow of genocide and surrounded by hostile actors—a nuclear Iran is not just a threat. It is an existential emergency.
Here is the case for why Israel may be justified, and even obligated, to bomb Iran’s nuclear facilities now.
Reports from the IAEA and intelligence services suggest Iran has
enriched uranium to near-weapons-grade purity and amassed enough fissile
material for several bombs. The regime is no longer bothering to hide
its intentions. The "breakout" time—the period required to construct a
nuclear bomb after acquiring enough enriched uranium—is now measured in weeks, not months.
Waiting means waking up to a nuclear Iran, which would change the
balance of power in the Middle East forever. Israel’s window to act
militarily is closing fast.
If Iran obtains a nuclear weapon, it will:
Shield its regional proxies (Hezbollah, Houthis, Iraqi militias) under a nuclear umbrella.
Spark a nuclear arms race, forcing Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Egypt to seek their own nukes.
Embolden aggression against Israel, the Gulf states, and American interests.
A nuclear Iran wouldn't be just a defensive deterrent—it would be a
tool for blackmail. The regime already supports terror worldwide. Give
them nuclear weapons, and that support will escalate without fear of
retribution.
The 2015 JCPOA was flawed but slowed Iran's nuclear ambitions.
Trump’s withdrawal, followed by Biden’s tepid re-engagement, created a
vacuum filled by Iranian lies and foot-dragging. Talks have yielded
nothing but more time for centrifuges to spin. Sanctions are leaky and
enforcement is weak, with China and Russia still offering economic
lifelines to Iran.
Israel cannot afford to be patient while diplomats sip tea in Vienna.
Israel has done this before—successfully. In 1981, Israel bombed
Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor. In 2007, it destroyed Syria’s secret
nuclear facility. In both cases, the world condemned Israel—at first—but
later history vindicated those decisions.
Iran is far more complex, more fortified, and more decentralized. But that’s not a reason for inaction—it’s a reason to strike before their program becomes fully invulnerable.
Gulf Arab states, while not publicly supportive, quietly favor an
Israeli strike. They know a nuclear Iran threatens them too. The U.S.,
while hesitant to act, has likely game-planned and war-gamed every
Israeli strike scenario—and would prefer Israel act so America doesn’t
have to.
If Israel waits for the world’s permission, it will be waiting at its own funeral.
Israel’s founding doctrine—never again—is not a slogan. It
is a survival imperative. The Islamic Republic has repeatedly threatened
to wipe Israel off the map. Holocaust denial is official state policy.
It funds terror from Gaza to Argentina. No sovereign nation can tolerate
such threats—let alone one as vulnerable as Israel.
The burden of stopping Iran will fall to Israel whether it wants it
or not. The Jewish state must act before it wakes up to a nuclear-armed
genocidal enemy on its doorstep.
A preemptive strike will carry risks—retaliation from Hezbollah,
global condemnation, economic fallout. But the price of inaction is far
greater. Iran with nuclear weapons is not containment. It is surrender.
The Americans didn’t wait for Hitler to become a nuclear power. Israel must not wait for the ayatollahs.
The time to act is not tomorrow, not after the next U.N. session, not when America gives a green light. The time to strike is today.
In a recording aired by Kan Moreshet,
Rabbi Cohen, a longtime leader in European Jewry and a member of the
Belzer community, is heard saying: “If you look carefully at the
pictures of the hostages who are still being held, they’re all leftists.
Should I pray for them?! They brought this on us. Yeish din v’yeish Dayan. (There is justice, and there is a Judge).”
“A Government
That Treats The Torah With Such Contempt Has No Right To Exist” -
Landau & Hirsch --- Shameful Group of Little Men
Cabinet approves over NIS 1 billion in coalition funds for Haredim, of a total NIS 5b
Items approved include $350 million for
yeshivas, $2.2 million for groups that arrange IDF exemptions for Haredi
students, $6.9 million for Jewish National Identity Authority
Ultra-Orthodox children in their classroom in Jerusalem's Mea She'arim neighborhood
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government approved the
allocation of NIS 5 billion ($1.3 billion) in coalition funds on Tuesday
evening, less than a month before the legal deadline for the passage of
the 2025 state budget.
The cabinet vote was held without Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich,
who is on a visit to Washington. Coalition funds are money allocated
during the budget-planning process based on agreements struck between
the parties during coalition negotiations.
In addition to over a billion shekels for yeshivas, various Haredi
institutions and causes received hundreds of millions in additional
funding, as did, to a lesser extent, national religious causes.
Among the items approved were NIS 25 million ($6.9 million) for
far-right anti-LGBT politician Avi Maoz’s Jewish National Identity
Authority, NIS 94 million ($25.9 million) for the World Zionist
Organization’s settlement division and NIS 40 million ($11 million) for
security in West Bank settlements.
NIS 1.27 billion ($351 million) was approved for ultra-Orthodox
yeshivas, NIS 75 million ($20.7 million) for Haredi women’s seminaries,
NIS 87 million ($24 million) for strengthening Jewish identity, NIS 60
million ($16.5 million) for yeshivas for overseas students, and NIS 2.9
million ($792,000) for matters relating to Jewish “family purity” laws.
The coalition funds also include NIS 28 million ($7.7 million) for
programs to prevent Haredim from dropping out of yeshivas and NIS 8
million ($2.2 million) for “coordination and liaison bodies” — a
reference to groups that arrange military exemptions.
Speaking with The Times of Israel on Tuesday, a spokesman for Haim
Biton (Shas), a minister within the Education Ministry, said that this
last item included money for the Vaad HaYeshivot
(Yeshiva Committee), which until recently was the Haredi community’s
primary vehicle for coordination between ultra-Orthodox yeshivas and the
Defense Ministry in matters of military service deferments.
However, he said that it would only receive funding if the Knesset
manages to pass a law providing military service exemptions for yeshiva
students.
Housing and Construction Minister Yitzhak
Goldknopf arrives for a meeting at the Prime Minister’s Office in
Jerusalem
“For now, the money is on the shelf. You can’t touch it,” he said.
Last week, Housing Minister Yitzchak Goldknopf, the Haredi UTJ party chairman, threatened to oppose the 2025 state budget — a move that would topple the government — unless the yeshiva allocations went through.
It was Goldknopf’s second threat
to the continued stability of the coalition in less than a week, and
the latest in a string of Haredi ultimatums that so far have not been
followed through on.
In a letter to Cabinet Secretary Yossi Fuchs published by the Ynet
news site, Goldknopf complained that while Netanyahu and Smotrich had
recently promised him the money, it was not included in a list of
coalition funds set to be approved by the cabinet.
Goldknopf called on Fuchs to rectify the situation “immediately” in
order to ensure his support for the budget in the Knesset. Despite this,
according to Hebrew press reports, the Hasidic minister was upset that
the coalition funds would not be added the base budget and thus voted
against them in the end.
The 2025 state budget must be passed by the end of March or the government will automatically fall, triggering early elections.
Asked by a reporter about Goldknopf’s threat during the Religious
Zionism party’s faction weekly meeting in the Knesset on Monday,
Smotrich condemned his coalition partner’s “false populist campaign,”
asserting that he had failed to obtain military conscription exemptions
for yeshiva students and “is now looking for a way to explain to [his]
public that there are no budgetary achievements.”
In a statement on Tuesday afternoon, Goldknopf called on fellow
coalition leaders to back his party’s funding demands, insisting that
the “basic rights” of yeshiva students, children and families “cannot be
violated” and arguing that the Haredi community was in danger of being
“left behind.”
According to the Maariv daily, Goldknopf is believed to be planning
to resign before the final budget votes in the Knesset despite
opposition from members of his party’s Degel Hatorah faction, who prefer
to wait until after the passage of the budget if no law exempting
yeshiva students from military service is passed.
Jewish anti-Zionists and the murder of the Israeli embassy staffers
The close relationship between the Reconstructionist movement and Jewish Voice for Peace extremists.
Yaron
Lischinsky, 30, and Sarah Milgrim, 26, were shot and killed by a
31-year-old gunman outside the Capital Jewish Museum in Washington,
D.C., on May 21, 2025
The murder in Washington, D.C., of Israeli
embassy staff members Yaron Lischinsky, 30, and Sarah Milgrim, 26, last
month by an anti-Israel extremist has drawn statements from American
rabbis across the spectrum of political and religious thought. Yet one
response stands out for its disturbing nature.
Rabbi Brant Rosen of Chicago, co-founder
of the Rabbinical Council of Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) and spiritual
leader of Tzedek Chicago, responded by stating:“These were two Israeli
embassy workers, so they were representatives of a country that is
engaged in a genocide,” referring to Palestinian Arab deaths amid a war
between Israel and Hamas in Gaza that followed the terrorist massacre of
1,200 people in southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, and the kidnapping of
some 250 others.
Tzedek Chicago, founded in 2015, describes
itself as “an anti-Zionist Jewish congregation based on core values of
justice, equity and solidarity.” In other words, Rosen positions himself
well outside the mainstream of American Jewish life.
JVP does not support a two-state solution. JVP calls for an end to the State of Israel as we now know it.
JVP’s rabbinical council has only 41
members—out of an estimated 4,000 to 5,000 rabbis in the United States,
not including ordained rabbis working outside synagogues and campus
organizations. Yet despite their small numbers, JVP rabbis have gained
an outsized influence in discourse since Oct. 7. By contrast, the
Coalition for Jewish Values says its “Rabbinic Circle is composed of
over 2,500 traditional Orthodox rabbis.”
If the American Jewish community holds
that some individuals and organizations cross lines into what can
generously be called renegade territory, then JVP surely qualifies.
What’s more troubling is that the
Reconstructionist movement, which is the home of many JVP leaders, has
so far failed to disassociate itself from these figures. This inaction
should prompt the Reform and Conservative movements to re-examine their
relationships with Reconstructionist institutions. Yet this reckoning
has not occurred.
Let’s examine the close, even affirming, relationship between the Reconstructionist movement and JVP extremists.
Brant Rosen, Linda Holtzman and Brian
Walt—all members of the JVP Rabbinical Council—are graduates of the
Reconstructionist Rabbinical College (RRC) and have held or continue to
hold high-profile roles within major Reconstructionist organizations.
All three are featured on ReconstructingJudaism.org, the movement’s official website.
Another affiliated site, Ritualwell.org,
serves as a liturgical resource for the movement. Rosen’s “A Jewish
Prayer for Nakba Day” is published on the site and includes the phrase
“from the river to the sea”—a slogan that is widely recognized as
rejecting Israel’s existence. Walt’s bio on ReconstructingJudaism.org
notes explicitly that he is a member of JVP’s Rabbinical Council.
According to ReconstructingJudaism.org,
Holtzman serves as an RRC professor and director of student life (though
it is unclear how current the listing is), despite her long-standing
involvement with JVP. Walt was even chosen to present at the
Reconstructionist Israel Convening this past December in a session
titled “Reflecting on Israel, despite being a senior JVP leader.”
Rosen’s nearly 2,600-word screed,
titled “Why I’ve Broken From Zionism,” remains publicly available on
ReconstructingJudaism.org. In it, he disavows any connection to the
Zionist movement.
This is not a case of guilt by association.
The Reconstructionist movement offers
JVP-affiliated rabbis a degree of legitimacy that amounts to tacit
approval of their anti-Zionist extremism. This stands in stark contrast
to broader American Jewish opinions. As a Gallup staffer noted in 2019,
“95% of Jews have favorable views of Israel.”
In early May, Rabbi Deborah Waxman, head
of the two most prominent Reconstructionist institutions, gave a major
interview upon announcing her retirement. In it, she stated: “The
Reconstructionist movement has long supported a two-state solution, and
many of our leaders have advocated for Palestinian national aspirations
even when it came at a personal cost.”
But how can Waxman’s statements be taken seriously when key movement figures contradict them so openly?
Rosen is a past president of the
Reconstructionist Rabbinical Association. Holtzman currently serves on
its board. Walt wrote back in 2012 in a nearly 6,700-word essay: “The
daily reality in Israel violated each of these core values. And I could
no longer be a Zionist.”
Walt is also currently listed as a member
of the J Street Rabbinic and Cantorial Cabinet on its website. And he is
not alone in belonging to both J Street’s rabbinic body and JVP’s.
Mordechai Liebling, one-time executive director of Jewish
Reconstructionist Federation, is another, as are Alan LaPayover, Rebecca
Alpert and others.
Both J Street and the Reconstructionists
claim to be for a two-state solution, but how do they reconcile the
involvement in their organizations of JVP’s anti-Israel rabbis?
It’s easy to see just how radical JVP
really is with even a very quick review of their website, where they
call for the removal of Jews from Israel. The section reads: “We imagine
Arab, Middle Eastern and Southwest Asian/North African Jews having
ethical and safe access to return to their original homelands.”
The Reconstructionist movement has had
more than a decade to address this issue and has consistently failed to
act. It has not distanced itself from its most radical figures, nor has
it publicly disavowed the positions of JVP’s rabbinical leadership.
It’s time for American Jews to seriously
re-evaluate the place the Reconstructionist movement occupies in the
larger communal tent.
Survivors testify: MKs participated in sadistic sexual 'rituals' involving minors - mainly from the ultra-Orthodox and religious
Zionist communities
‘Doctors, educators, police officers, and past and present members of the Knesset were involved in these abuses,’ survivor says.
Two survivors - on the right is Yael Ariel, in the middle is Yael Shitrit.
(Warning: The following contains sensitive material, reader discretion is advised.)
Several
women on Tuesday testified in the Knesset about sexual abuse they
suffered as minors as part of religious ritual ceremonies.
The testimonies came during a joint meeting of the Knesset’s Committee on the Status of Women and Gender Equality, chaired by MK Pnina Tameno-Shete (National Unity), and the Special Committee on Young Israelis, chaired by MK Naama Lazimi (The Democrats).
The
joint meeting was organized in the wake of an investigative report
published on April 2 by Israel Hayom journalist Noam Barkan.
Yael Ariel, one of the abuse survivors, shared: “I experienced ritual abuse
over many years until my late teens and was forced to harm other
children. I chose to speak out and make my voice heard. I received
threats after revealing my story. From age five to age 20, I was harmed
in these ceremonies.”
According
to Ariel, she received testimonies from several women who claimed that
doctors, educators, police officers, and past and present members of the
Knesset were involved in these abuses.
“I
filed a complaint with the police that was closed after a few months,
and I know of other cases that were closed. Speaking out today in the
Knesset is a historic moment,” she said.
Another
survivor, Yael Shitrit, testified: “You have no idea what ritual abuse
is. The human brain cannot comprehend it. You can’t imagine what it
means to program a three-year-old girl through rape and sadism so they
can do whatever they want without anyone knowing.
“Their
trafficking of me happened all over the country. They moved me from
ceremony to ceremony. Naked men stood in a circle. My therapist, her
husband, and her son harmed me, and there were dozens of other girls and
boys who harmed me.
The Knesset committee meeting to discuss ritual sexual abuse on June
6th, 2025. (credit: KNESSET'S SPOKESPERSON OFFICE/SHMULIK GROSSMAN)
“There
were ceremonies and rituals meant to make me forget,” Shitrit
continued. “The police have known about this for a year, but they don’t
have the tools to deal with it.
The
people who will fall are very, very senior figures. These people run
communities and government agencies. They threaten us. I have children I
need to protect. Something needs to be set up that can deal with this.
They
tried to make us like them – the people who caused us endless pain,”
Shitrit said. “Your role is to make this stop in Safed, Jerusalem,
Jaljulya, or anywhere else,” she declared.
DR. NAAMA GOLDBERG, head of an NGO called
Lo Omdot MeNegged (Hebrew for “Not Standing Idly By”), which assists
prostitution survivors, explained that the depictions are sometimes so
gruesome that they are hard to believe, but this incredulity serves the
abusers, who convince victims not to complain by arguing that they will
not be believed.
“Several
years ago, I received descriptions of sadistic abuse of children,”
Goldberg said. “The accounts sounded absurd. [But] the testimonies kept
coming and would not let up. They described gang rape by men, and
sometimes by women. The abuse was filmed, and drugs were used. There
were ritual practices and symbolism.
“I
presented the police with written testimonies from five women. To this
day, no one has contacted me. Since the report, additional testimonies
have surfaced,” Goldberg said.
A representative of the Israel Police,
Ch.-Supt. Anat Yakir, said that there was a national unit reviewing all
cases and that the complaints were “a top priority in the intelligence
division.”
These testimonies are a 'watershed moment'
MKs who attended the meeting were visibly shaken by some of the testimonies, with one calling it a “watershed moment” and another calling the revelations “titanic.”
Tameno-Shete
said, “Reality shows us that the police are not strong in handling
sexual offenses. No one wants to talk about brutal rape and children
being raped. There are unimaginable cases of monstrosity here.”
Police officers gave testimony at the Knesset committee meeting to
discuss ritual sexual abuse on June 6trh, 2025. (credit: KNESSET'S
SPOKESPERSON OFFICE/SHMULIK GROSSMAN)\
Lazimi
added, “I couldn’t breathe when I heard about a network of ritual abuse
against girls and the fact that there is an organized and dangerous
mechanism and nothing is being done to stop it. In this place, we will
discuss and try to expose it to bring about change.”
Two other survivors spoke at the meeting on condition of anonymity.
One
testified that a cousin trafficked her beginning at age 11. “At 14, he
took me to sadistic clubs. I endured torture and starvation at the hands
of well-known and prominent individuals. I suffered harm in endless
ways.
“There
were public events, and there were internal ceremonies where I was tied
to a tall post with handcuffs. Around me, there were other handcuffed
victims with rituals of drinking menstrual blood and the slaughter of
cats and other animals. They told me no one would believe me if I spoke
out.”
She
continued that she filed a complaint with the police five years ago.
“The prosecution closed the case due to lack of evidence, so I appealed,
and it was accepted. I came to testify while on pregnancy bed rest, but
the case was closed again due to lack of evidence.
“They
said I was imagining things. I presented a recorded testimony from
someone who admitted to harming me, but she was never summoned for
questioning. Treat this as terrorism.”
Making financial deals with the devil will not ensure
the long-term safety and security of the United States. Trump is up
against dictatorial regimes that see history through the prism of
centuries, not terms in office.
Trump goes to countries that give him things — cash, 747s, $Trump meme coin and Official Melania Meme sales, arms purchases, hotel deals, golf courses, A.I. data centers — and not countries that ask him for things, like Israel.
Despite the optics, Trump is constrained by evangelical
Christian support for Israel and Republicans in Congress, who will not
support a bad deal with Iran or a Palestinian state. (Bless those Goyim:-)
U.S.
President Donald Trump participates in a welcome ceremony with Saudi
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud, also known as MBS, at the
Royal Court Palace in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, on May 13, 2025.
Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
just learned a fundamental imperative in international
relations—namely, that among nations, there are no permanent
friendships, only perceived interests.
Particularly during this last Mideast
trip, it seems as if President Donald Trump—perhaps on the advice of
Vice President JD Vance, who Axios reported skipped visiting the Jewish state, and former Fox News host
and media personality Tucker Carlson, who has been on record for
antisemitic rhetoric—turned away from Israel in a series of moves.
The slights began with Trump’s undeserved
praise of the Turkish dictator Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, made in front of
Netanyahu during a recent visit to the White House. The president
subsequently entered into negotiations with Iran, a deal that might
leave Israel facing an existential threat from the Islamic Regime.
Netanyahu’s rivals in Israel’s political
arena should not take comfort in what they perceive as the weakening of
the prime minister’s standing due to Trump’s appearance of intentionally
ignoring him. They must understand that whatever supposed wrongs Trump
is exhibiting toward Netanyahu, he would, undoubtedly, treat other
Israeli leaders, including Yair Lapid, Avigdor Lieberman, Benny Gantz or
Naftali Bennett, worse. Therefore, they should express solidarity and
support for Netanyahu’s warnings about Iran and his resolve to remove
the Hamas terrorists from Gaza.
Trump’s Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff,
has hinted that the Trump administration might allow Iran to enrich
uranium to the 3.67 level, which is ordinarily non-threatening. However,
given the Islamic Republic of Iran’s propensity for massive cheating on
its nuclear progress, Trump’s eagerness for a deal might backfire and
make things in the Middle East much worse.
The deal Trump made with the Houthis—to
stop firing on American and Western ships and allow for unmolested
freedom of navigation along the Red Sea and the Arabian Sea—was most
likely concocted by Iran to gain points in Washington. Trump praised the
Houthis for the deal that included safety for American and Western
ships passing through the Bab El-Mandeb Strait. Protection of Israeli
ships, though, was excluded, and Israel was left alone to handle the
Iranian-supplied missiles to the Houthis. Netanyahu was likely
disappointed by Trump’s failure to inform him about the agreement, which
came days before the Houthis launched a missile that landed near
Ben-Gurion International Airport. One does have to wonder, though, where
was Trump’s immediate condemnation?
The enemies of Israel in the Middle East
are sure to be uplifted by what they perceive as Trump’s abandonment of
Israel. And certainly, the unilateral deal with the Houthis gives them
hope that this is the case.
A potential civil nuclear deal with Saudi
Arabia, in the absence of Riyadh’s commitment to normalize relations
with Israel and extending an invitation for them to join the Abraham
Accords, would be another sign that Trump is leaving Israel behind.
(Even the Biden administration conditioned a civil nuclear deal with the
Saudis on joining the accords.)
As a dealmaker, Trump may very well try to
pressure Israel to agree to a Palestinian state if it meant that he
could secure more than a trillion dollars of Saudi and Emirati
investment in the United States. This is the quid pro quo demand of the
Saudis for joining the Abraham Accords. Yet, Israel cannot afford to
have a Palestinian terrorist state close to its population centers,
especially after the Hamas-led terrorist attacks in southern Israel on
Oct. 7, 2023.
The heartwarming release of Israeli
American hostage Edan Alexander as a gesture to Trump by Hamas (while
sidelining Israel) was another indicator that Trump fails to understand
the Arab mind. It was the Qataris, Hamas’s sponsors and fellow radical
Muslim Brotherhood members, who convinced the terror group to come up
with this “goodwill gesture” as a way to belittle Netanyahu and start
direct contact between the Trump administration. The murderous
terrorists, together with their Doha backers, hope to convince Trump to
force Israel to end the war and withdraw the Israel Defense Forces from
the Gaza Strip.
All of the above is not meant to suggest
that Trump has turned anti-Israel or is abandoning the Jewish state.
Rather, it shows that America has its own interests to pursue. Clearly,
Trump would like history to credit him for being a peacemaker. But what
he needs to understand is that with entities such as Iran, the Houthis,
Hamas and even Ahmed al-Sharaa in Syria, there is no permanent peace,
only hudnas, temporary ceasefires until the Islamic forces can prevail.
Trump gave Netanyahu a free hand in the
Gaza Strip, which was not the case during the Biden administration.
Trump is intrinsically pro-Israel; however, he is also pro-business and
considers himself to be a supreme dealmaker. He is not ideological and
so cannot fully grasp the dangers emanating from radical Islamists, such
as Erdoğan, or the fact that there are Muslims in the West who would
prefer that Sharia law replace the Western constitution.
Even if Trump was considering new
alliances and friends who are inimical to Israel’s security, he is
constrained by strong evangelical Christian support for Israel, as well
as Republicans in Congress who will not support a bad deal with Iran or
the imposition of a Palestinian state.
It remains to be seen which forces
prevail regarding the president’s decisions and ultimate actions in the
Middle East arena. Making financial deals with the devil will not ensure
the long-term safety and security of the United States. Trump is up
against dictatorial regimes that see history through the prism of
centuries, not terms in office.
