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EVERY SIGNATURE MATTERS - THIS BILL MUST PASS!
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EFF Urges Court to Block Dragnet Subpoenas Targeting Online Commenters

EFF Urges Court to Block Dragnet Subpoenas Targeting Online Commenters
CLICK! For the full motion to quash: http://www.eff.org/files/filenode/hersh_v_cohen/UOJ-motiontoquashmemo.pdf

Monday, January 26, 2026

Just What the Jews Needed: Another False Messiah — Donald Trump


 

The Torah’s vision of leadership is profoundly anti-Trumpian


We have seen this movie before. Different costumes, same plot. A loud outsider storms the stage promising redemption without repentance, power without responsibility, miracles without morals. The Jews, exhausted by history and bruised by exile, are told once again: This one will save you. And once again, too many are tempted to believe it. Just what the Jews needed—another false messiah. This time in a red tie, not sandals. His name is Donald Trump.

Judaism has an ancient allergy to messianic shortcuts. We are the people who buried Shabbatai Tzvi under layers of trauma, who learned—painfully—that charisma is not prophecy and power is not holiness. The Rambam warns that messianism is not proven by spectacle but by substance: justice, humility, wisdom, restraint. And yet here we are, watching Jews—especially religious Jews who should know better—suspend 3,000 years of theological caution for a man whose defining traits are vulgarity, cruelty, and self-worship.

Trump is not a messiah. He is not even a kosher strongman. He is a mirror, reflecting back our worst instincts: fear masquerading as faith, tribalism masquerading as Torah, and political idolatry masquerading as gratitude.

Yes, he moved the embassy. Yes, he said nice things about Israel. Yes, he weaponized evangelical love for Zion as a geopolitical bargaining chip. And for this, many Jews—particularly on the right—decided to forgive everything else: the lies, the incitement, the authoritarian flirtations, the casual antisemitic tropes about money and loyalty, the open courting of white nationalists who do not love Jews but merely tolerate them as long as they serve a narrative.

This is not pragmatism. This is theological malpractice.

Judaism does not teach us to bow to kings who flatter us. Pharaoh praised Joseph too—until he didn’t. Cyrus liberated the Jews—without demanding their souls in return. Trump, by contrast, demands loyalty not to law, not to truth, not even to country, but to himself. That alone should disqualify him in Jewish moral thought. Kings in Israel were bound by Torah. Prophets rebuked them publicly. Trump cannot tolerate rebuke from anyone—certainly not from Jews quoting inconvenient verses about justice for the stranger or humility before God.

And let us talk plainly about the danger here. False messiahs do not only fail; they corrupt. They teach people to confuse power with righteousness and victory with virtue. They train communities to excuse the inexcusable as long as “our side” wins. This is precisely how religious movements rot from the inside. Avodah Zarah does not begin with statues; it begins with excuses.

When rabbis turn Trump into a divine instrument rather than a deeply flawed politician, they are not being strategic—they are being reckless. When yeshiva students are taught that criticism of Trump is heresy, Torah becomes propaganda. When Jews cheer attacks on democratic norms because “it helps Israel” or “hurts our enemies,” they forget that Judaism survived empires precisely because it refused to sanctify them.

The tragedy is not that Trump exists. History always produces men like him. The tragedy is that Jews—who should be the most skeptical people on earth when it comes to strongmen and saviors—fall for it anyway. We, of all people, are supposed to know that salvation does not come riding on ego, grievance, and rage.

The Torah’s vision of leadership is almost boring by modern standards: restraint, law, accountability, fear of Heaven. Trump offers the opposite: spectacle, dominance, vengeance, and the thrill of transgression. He does not elevate Jewish values; he tempts Jews to abandon them in exchange for access and applause.

And let us not pretend this is only about Trump. He is a symptom. The deeper sickness is a Judaism that has grown impatient with ethics and intoxicated with power. A Judaism that wants protection without responsibility, sovereignty without morality, victory without soul. Trump simply gave that impulse a human face—and a megaphone.

Messianism is seductive because it promises an end to complexity. Trump promises to crush enemies, silence critics, and restore greatness by sheer force of will. Judaism promises something far harder: struggle, law, self-critique, and the slow, grinding work of moral responsibility in an imperfect world. One path is easy and loud. The other is ancient and demanding.

We should know which one is ours.

Donald Trump is not the Messiah. He is not even close. And the more Jews insist on treating him like one, the more we repeat the oldest mistake in Jewish history—placing our faith in men who demand worship instead of accountability.

Just what the Jews needed? No. What we need is the courage to say no—to false saviors, to political idolatry, and to the cheap thrill of power without conscience. Redemption will not come from a billionaire strongman. It never has. It never will.

The Torah warned us. History confirmed it. The only question is whether we remember in time. 

 

REPUBLISHED

https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/just-what-the-jews-needed-another-false-messiah-donald-trump/

Friday, January 23, 2026

Let's Talk About Maximum Chutzpah ----"The newly convicted rabbi, who had unsuccessfully sued the Jewish community to get his job back, recently lost his appeal in that case, it was reported during the recent trial. He told the court during a hearing on Jan. 5 that he was being supported by his wife."

 

Nazi Secular Government Taking Me Away From Learning Torah

Berlin rabbi convicted of ‘sexual assault and sexual coercion’ of woman he offered to counsel

 

Conviction comes over two years after Jewish community fired Reuven Yaacobov following allegations of abuse going back nearly 2 decades

 

Aron Twerski Could Have Said : Reuven Yaacobov is "an honorable man" but he was busy lying about some other coverup!

 

BERLIN — A Berlin district court has found a rabbi guilty of “sexual assault and sexual coercion by exploiting a moment of surprise,” a misdemeanor under German law.

The criminal case was brought by the Berlin public prosecutor and by one of multiple women who have accused the rabbi of a range of sexual abuses dating back almost two decades. Anyone with a complaint may press charges, Michael Petzold, a press spokesman for the public prosecutor, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

Many of the women — including the co-plaintiff in this case — have said they thought they were his only victim, until news reports emerged following his firing by the Jewish community in Berlin on June 1, 2023. 

The saga proved significant because it marked a rare instance of a rabbinic firing by an organized Jewish community in Germany. It also initiated a new openness to discussing abuse allegations within the community.

Reuven Yaacobov 49, a married father of four, has now been given a suspended prison sentence of 10 months as well as two years’ probation. German law bars the release of the convicted person’s full name and address.

The co-plaintiff and two witnesses were among 17 women who had testified against the rabbi in July 2023 to an Orthodox Jewish court, or beit din, in Germany. That court had determined that the defendant was unfit to serve in any of his clerical roles, including as ritual circumciser, Torah scribe and kashrut supervisor.

In the current case, the defendant  “invited witness P. to a purported ‘personality training’ on February 21, 2021” in the premises of his synagogue on Passauer Strasse in Berlin, according to the Berlin district court verdict issued Wednesday.

In the course of this “training,” the rabbi instructed the witness “to stand with her back to the wall and close her eyes in order to free her from the ‘negative energies’ of her ex-partner,” the court found. He then suddenly kissed her intimately, without her consent, the court wrote. “Due to the unforeseen assault, the witness was unable to defend herself. Her well-being was significantly violated by your behavior,” the court wrote, addressing the defendant.

On Tuesday, Reuven Y. withdrew his right to appeal the decision. If he violates his probation, even on the last day, he can be jailed for the full 10 months, Petzold said.

The rabbi’s Berlin-based defense attorney, Galina Rolnik, did not respond to a request for comment by press time.

The newly convicted rabbi, who had unsuccessfully sued the Jewish community to get his job back, recently lost his appeal in that case, it was reported during the recent trial. He told the court during a hearing on Jan. 5 that he was being supported by his wife.

The Jewish community fired him in 2023 after a handful of women, all of them with a migration background from the former Soviet Union, testified privately that the defendant had assaulted them sexually, mostly after gaining their confidence by claiming that only he as a rabbi with special powers could help them resolve family or relationship problems. The incidents dated back nearly two decades.

The Orthodox Rabbinical Conference of Germany, known by its German acronym ORD, issued a statement following the verdict in the court case.

“We have the deepest sympathy for the woman affected. We as rabbis will not remain silent when a sexual assault occurs in the name of Judaism,” the statement said. “The Beit Din (Jewish rabbinical court) of the ORD and the rabbis of the ORD condemn all forms of harassment and abuse in the strongest possible terms, especially when perpetrated by someone in a position of power within education and religion. A person who harasses or abuses others is not fit to hold the office of rabbi and should not be active in religious, rabbinical, or educational positions.”

Court witness Elena Eyngorn, the whistleblower who raised awareness and support for the victims in 2023, told the court during the recent criminal trial that about 32 women had contacted her with accounts of abuse by the accused rabbi. She also testified that other incidents were more severe than the one heard in the case that resulted in conviction.

This reporter was subpoenaed and testified in the case about JTA’s previous reporting on the topic.

Petzold told JTA that other alleged victims “may file complaints at the police station or at the prosecution office. And then it has to be investigated.”

Wednesday, January 21, 2026

The Controversial Topic of Sholom Rubashkin Being a “Jewish Hero” - Two things can be true at once — the system can be cruel, and the man can be culpable.

 


Let’s say this cleanly, without theatrics or euphemisms: calling Sholom Rubashkin a Jewish hero is not an act of compassion. It is an act of confusion. And confusion, dressed up as loyalty, is one of the most dangerous habits a community can cultivate.

A hero, in Jewish tradition, is not someone who merely suffers. A hero is not someone who draws sympathy. A hero is not someone around whom we rally because the outside world feels hostile. Our mesorah is painfully clear: “Eizehu gibor? Ha’koveish et yitzro” — Who is mighty? One who conquers his impulses. 

Not one who becomes a symbol because the system overreached, but one who lives in a way that leaves no need for symbolism in the first place.

Yes, Rubashkin’s sentence was excessive. Yes, the prosecution was aggressive. Yes, there were legitimate questions about proportionality, prosecutorial conduct, and selective outrage. Many people of conscience — Jewish and non-Jewish — recoiled at the spectacle of a man effectively buried alive for white-collar crimes that routinely earn others far less. To protest injustice is Jewish. To demand mercy is Jewish. To mobilize politically for clemency is Jewish. That part of the story deserves respect.

But here is where the communal mind short-circuited: injustice does not transmute a defendant into a tzaddik. An unfair sentence does not retroactively launder behavior. The Torah does not work on a cable-news moral scale where outrage converts flaws into virtues. Two things can be true at once — the system can be cruel, and the man can be culpable.

What happened instead was something far more corrosive. Rubashkin was elevated not despite the controversy, but because of it. He became a vessel for collective grievance. He was turned into proof that “they are against us,” and once that transformation occurred, facts became secondary, nuance became betrayal, and moral accounting became verboten. That is not Judaism; that is tribal reflex.

Judaism does not fear teshuvah — it demands it. If Rubashkin repented, rebuilt, prayed, learned, inspired others in prison — all of that matters deeply. The gates of repentance are never closed. But teshuvah is inward work, not public coronation. Teshuvah restores a person’s relationship with God; it does not automatically entitle him to communal sainthood or historical absolution. Dovid Hamelech repented — and still lived with consequences. Yehuda repented — and still carried shame. Our heroes are great because they are judged honestly, not because we shield them from judgment.

The rush to call Rubashkin a hero teaches our children something dangerous: that communal pain excuses moral shortcuts; that suffering sanctifies; that loyalty means suspending discernment. It teaches that if the outside world is harsh enough, we will abandon our own standards just to spite it. That is not strength. That is insecurity wearing a black hat.

Worse still, this rhetoric hollows out Jewish moral language. When hero means “one of us who was punished,” then hero means nothing. When every cause célèbre becomes a martyr, true martyrs disappear. When every defendant becomes a symbol, justice becomes optional. A people that cheapens its words eventually cheapens its values.

None of this requires cruelty. None of this requires erasing compassion. We can say: the sentence was wrong. We can say: the prosecution was excessive. We can say: mercy was appropriate. And we can say all of that without rewriting reality, without mythologizing a businessman into a moral exemplar, without confusing communal defense with moral endorsement.

Sholom Rubashkin is not the villain the tabloids wanted and he is not the hero some Jews desperately needed him to be. He is something far more uncomfortable: a mirror. A mirror showing how quickly fear turns into idolatry, how fast injustice morphs into myth, how easily a wounded community trades ethical clarity for emotional solidarity.

If we want heroes, Judaism has an endless supply — people who chose truth over tribe, integrity over convenience, humility over applause. If we want symbols, we will keep manufacturing them out of controversy and outrage.

 But if we want Torah — real Torah — we will learn to defend our own fiercely without lying to ourselves about who they are.

 

REPUBLISHED

https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/two-things-can-be-true-at-once-the-system-is-cruel-the-man-can-be-culpable/

Monday, January 19, 2026

שומר ישראל



Netanyahu vows Turkish, Qatari soldiers won’t enter Gaza, admits to ‘argument’ with US - Times Of Israel

Mr. Trump,

Stop calling it peace.

What you are proposing is not reconciliation, not justice, not healing. It is you inserting yourself into history like a wrecking ball and demanding applause for the damage.

You did not earn authority over Gaza. You announced it. You did not consult legitimacy. You crowned yourself chairman. That single act exposes the fraud at the center of your project: peace does not begin with a man who cannot imagine not being in charge.

You don’t want peace. You gather Israel’s enemies and call it balance.

You invite Qatar, the banker of Hamas, and Turkey, whose leadership profits from demonizing Israel, and you pretend this is wisdom rather than provocation. You elevate cynics and arsonists to the status of overseers and dare anyone to object — because objection interferes with your hyped self-image. 

This is not realism. It is arrogance lubricated by ignorance. You will be remembered as a man who mistook noise for authority, money for morality, control for wisdom — and himself for history.

Paul Mendlowitz 

Friday, January 16, 2026

Don’t Kid Yourselves: Trump Is a Long-Term Disaster for the United States

 

 

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/16/health/tylenol-autism-acetaminophen-study.html

No Link Between Acetaminophen in Pregnancy and Autism, a New Study Finds

The review looked at more than three dozen studies and found no evidence that acetaminophen increased the risk of neurodevelopmental disorders in children.

 


 This isn’t about left versus right, Democrat versus Republican, red hats versus blue hair. This is about reality versus illusion, about whether a civilization understands the difference between noise and strength, chaos and leadership. The United States has flirted with demagogues before, but Donald Trump is something more corrosive: a long-term institutional acid that eats away at everything it touches—law, trust, alliances, truth itself.

In Jewish terms, this is not a debate about personalities. This is a debate about sechel—basic intelligence—and the tragic consequences when a nation confuses bravado for wisdom.

The Torah does not oppose kings. It opposes bad kings—those who mistake their ego for destiny. The Navi does not warn Israel about foreign enemies nearly as much as it warns about leaders intoxicated by their own reflection. Shaul fell not because he lacked strength, but because he lacked humility. Rechavam split the kingdom because he chose bluster over counsel.

Trump fits squarely into that lineage. He governs—when he governs at all—by instinct, grievance, and television ratings. The Rambam writes that leadership requires daas, not theatrics. Trump has spent a decade proving that he has volume without depth, anger without strategy, and confidence without comprehension.

The Erosion of Institutions Is Not “Draining the Swamp”

Trump’s defenders speak endlessly about “draining the swamp.” What they really mean is burning down the mikdash because you dislike the kohanim. Yes, American institutions are flawed. Yes, bureaucracy can rot. But Trump’s answer is not reform—it is delegitimization.

Courts are “rigged.” Elections are “stolen.” Intelligence agencies are “traitors.” Journalists are “enemies of the people.” Allies are “freeloaders.” Generals are “losers.” Anyone who contradicts him is corrupt by definition. This is not conservatism. This is not populism. This is nihilism.

In Jewish history, the destruction of institutions always precedes catastrophe. Once people stop believing in law, they stop obeying it. Once truth becomes negotiable, power becomes the only currency left. That is not freedom. Trump boasts that “the world respected us.” This is fantasy bordering on delusion. The world feared American unpredictability the way one fears a drunk driver—not with respect, but with anxiety.

Alliances built over seventy years were treated like bad real estate deals. NATO was mocked. Long-term deterrence was replaced with impulsive threats. Dictators learned a simple lesson: flatter the man, ignore the country.

The Gemara teaches that chacham ro’eh et hanolad—the wise person sees what comes next. Trump sees only the next headline. America’s enemies plan in decades. Trump plans in tweets.

The result? A weakened global order where adversaries test boundaries and allies hedge their bets. Empires do not fall from one blow; they rot from repeated foolishness at the top.

Trump normalized cruelty as entertainment. Mockery replaced dignity. Lying became strategy. Violence became “understandable.” Lawbreaking became heroic. Children learned that power excuses everything.

In Jewish language, this is chilul Hashem on a civilizational scale. When leadership teaches that nothing is sacred—not elections, not oaths, not truth—it invites societal breakdown. People stop trusting outcomes, then neighbors, then each other.

You cannot build a nation on permanent outrage. You can only burn one down.

Jews have seen this movie before, and it never ends well. When people cling to a strongman, it is usually because they have lost faith in themselves. Trump does not restore American confidence—he feeds on American insecurity.

A truly strong leader does not demand loyalty; he earns it. He does not scream “I alone can fix it”; he builds systems that outlast him. He does not divide relentlessly; he unifies grudgingly, responsibly, imperfectly—but genuinely.

Trump offers none of this. What he offers is addiction—to grievance, to spectacle, to perpetual crisis. And like all addictions, it leaves the host weaker over time.

Future historians will not debate Trump’s tweets. They will study the damage: the erosion of democratic norms, the coarsening of public life, the strategic self-sabotage, the hollowing out of trust.

They will ask how a great nation confused chaos for courage and narcissism for strength. They will ask why so many intelligent people chose denial over discernment.

And they will conclude what should already be obvious: Donald Trump was not a solution to America’s problems. He was a multiplier of them.

Judaism teaches that leadership is an obligation, not a performance. That power must be restrained by law, wisdom, and fear of consequences. Trump embodies the opposite: power without restraint, speech without responsibility, ego without limit.

So don’t kid yourselves. This isn’t about whether you like his enemies or distrust elites. This is about whether the United States intends to survive as a serious civilization—or amuse itself into decline.

Empires don’t collapse from external enemies first. They collapse from internal foolishness, crowned as strength. And that, tragically, is Trump’s legacy.


REPUBLISHED

https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/dont-kid-yourselves-trump-is-a-long-term-disaster-for-the-united-states/

Monday, January 12, 2026

The Epidemic of Rabbis Without Sechel - The Obsession With Predicting the Exact Time of Moshiach

Remarks were delivered overnight by Rav Reuven Elbaz, Rosh Yeshiva of Ohr HaChaim and a member of the Moetzet Chachmei Hatorah of Shas, as he addressed the condition of Klal Yisroel and the dramatic period through which we are currently passing.

In his words, Rav Elbaz expressed absolute confidence in the nearness of the geulah, speaking with sharp and unequivocal language. “My heart is certain,” the Rav said. “We are not talking about distant times. Not months. We are in moments, in hours, in days — and perhaps in the coming weeks — before the revelation of the true light.”


There is a strange and dangerous epidemic spreading through parts of the Jewish world: rabbis without sechel—without basic intellectual honesty, without humility before history, and without fear of embarrassing Heaven—publicly predicting the exact time of Moshiach and the Final Redemption as if they were announcing the arrival of a FedEx package.

This is not emunah. This is not mesorah. This is not even old-fashioned Jewish foolishness. It is spiritual malpractice.

Judaism has survived for millennia not because of date-setters, but in spite of them.

The Gemara does not whisper. It screams: “Tippach atzman shel mechashvei kitzin”—“May the bones rot of those who calculate the End” (Sanhedrin 97b). Not “they might be mistaken.” Not “they should be cautious.” May their bones rot.

That is not poetic flourish. That is Chazal diagnosing a disease. A disease where ego dresses itself up as prophecy, and ignorance masquerades as holiness.

Yet here we are, centuries later, with bearded men livestreaming kabbalistic numerology like day traders hawking crypto scams. “This month.” “No—this week.” “No—this Shabbos.”

Every failure is followed by a shrug, a new calculation, and an audience too polite—or too frightened—to ask the obvious question: If you were wrong last time, why should anyone trust you now?

The Rambam could not be clearer. In Hilchos Melachim, he warns against obsessing over the mechanics and timing of redemption. Moshiach will come, he says—but the details are unknowable, and speculation only weakens faith when predictions collapse.

And collapse they always do.

False certainty does not strengthen emunah. It poisons it. Because when redemption is promised on a date and fails to arrive, the people do not blame the rabbi. They blame God. That damage lasts generations.

Let us speak plainly. Predicting the time of Moshiach is not theology—it is psychology. It thrives in chaos. It feeds on fear. It flourishes when people feel powerless.

A frightened public wants certainty. A weak rabbi wants relevance. So he delivers “secret knowledge,” coded charts, hidden gematrias, whispers from “great mekubalim,” conveniently unverifiable and eternally flexible.

This is not prophecy. It is religious populism. And like all populism, it collapses when confronted with reality—then reinvents itself under a new slogan.

Our history is littered with the corpses of kitzin. Shabbtai Tzvi. Jacob Frank. Endless medieval “calculators of the End.”

Every one of them claimed Torah. Every one of them cited Zohar. Every one of them destroyed lives. And still, modern rabbis repeat the same arrogance, as if Jewish history reset itself because they have a WhatsApp group.

The audacity is breathtaking.

What happens when these proclamations go viral? The outside world laughs. The inside world fractures. The young walk away.

Judaism begins to look like a doomsday cult rather than a civilization of law, ethics, learning, and restraint. A rabbi who announces exact dates for redemption is not bringing Moshiach closer. He is pushing thoughtful Jews further away.

That is not zeal. That is chilul Hashem with a microphone.

Real Jewish leadership sounds boring to those addicted to drama. It says we do not know the timetable. It says we are commanded to act morally regardless. It says redemption is built through responsibility, not riddles. It says Torah is not a crystal ball.

It says what Chazal said: “Im yavo—achakeh lo.” If he comes, we will be ready. If not, we will still live like Jews.

No hysteria. No countdown clocks. No spiritual gambling.

The bitter irony is that those screaming loudest about Moshiach often ignore the very behaviors Chazal say delay redemption: corruption, dishonesty, cruelty, arrogance, and the silencing of dissent.

You cannot bully the Jewish people into redemption. You cannot frighten them into holiness. And you certainly cannot spreadsheet your way to divine intervention.

Moshiach is not summoned by bravado.

The Jewish people do not need more predictions. We need more sechel. More integrity. More leaders brave enough to say: I don’t know.

Because a rabbi who admits uncertainty may lose followers—but he saves Judaism.

And if Moshiach does arrive tomorrow, he will not ask who guessed the date correctly. He will ask who preserved truth when lies were easier.

 

REPUBLISHED

https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/the-epidemic-of-rabbis-without-sechel/

Sunday, January 11, 2026

Haredi Boycott of Yeshivas who denigrate IDF-Rabbi Nechemia Steinberger/...

Surgeon General Vivek Murthy issued an advisory on social media and youth mental health that described “a profound risk of harm to the mental health and well-being of children and adolescents.”

 
Teen boy looking at smartphone in bed

Smartphones Associated with Depression, Obesity, and Poor Sleep in Adolescents


Editor’s Note: Dr. Eli Cahan is a former editor of the Section on Pediatric Trainees (SOPT) feature in Pediatrics, and an investigative journalist who covers child welfare. He is also a neonatology fellow at Stanford University. - Rachel Y. Moon, MD, Associate Editor, Pediatrics

When the topic turns to smartphones, every parent of a teen I’ve spoken to recently reacts the same: ugh. The fragmented conversations, devoid of words and full of swipes. The bedtimes, come and gone. The battles at the dinner table, in the car, during the walk in the park, and on and on. 

As smartphones have proliferated—according to data from the Pew Research Center, nearly 95% of teens reported having access to one—so too have concerns about their potential impact on the cognitive and socioemotional development, as well as physical and mental health, of youth. For example, a July study in MMWR found that “teenagers with higher non-schoolwork screen use were more likely to experience a series of adverse health outcomes” across physical and mental health domains.

While further research is needed to understand what exactly is so toxic about smartphone use, experts repeatedly point to the impact of social media. In 2023, Surgeon General Vivek Murthy issued an advisory on social media and youth mental health that described “a profound risk of harm to the mental health and well-being of children and adolescents.” The American Academy of Pediatrics’ Center of Excellence on Social Media and Youth Mental Health warns of exposure to “a wide range of apps and websites that aren’t intended for children and teens” such as social media platforms—which in turn present risks to the health of exposed youth.

Still, large-scale data on the longitudinal health impacts of smartphone ownership in adolescents is lacking. Research by Dr. Ran Barzilay and colleagues from University of Pennsylvania, University of California Berkeley, and Columbia University being early released this week in Pediatrics adds to that data (10.1542/peds.2025-072941). They analyzed 2016-2022 national data on more than 10,500 9-16-year-olds from 21 sites, to test associations of smartphone ownership and age of first smartphone acquisition and adverse health outcomes at age 12.

The authors found that odds of depression, obesity, and insufficient sleep were 31%, 40%, and 62% higher in 12-year-olds who owned a smartphone than those who didn’t. They also found that the odds of obesity and insufficient sleep increased almost 10% for each additional year of owning a smartphone before age 12. Lastly, they found that 13-year-olds who owned a smartphone were 57% more likely to meet diagnostic criteria for mental illness.

“No clear evidence exists on the explanation for the deleterious associations between smartphone ownership and youth development,” the authors write.

However, they add, “smartphone use contributes to fragmented attention, increased checking behaviors (which may impact relationships), and extended use (particularly in the evenings), which may lead to both mental and physical health challenges and less sleep, especially during a period of development whereby many youth may not have sufficiently mature self-regulatory skills to make optimal choices regarding their smartphone use.”

Those interested in learning more about the health impacts of smartphone use in adolescents today would be well served to review the article and its corresponding video abstract in this month’s issue of Pediatrics.

Thursday, January 08, 2026

An Open Letter to Haredi Leadership: Your Mouths Are Endangering Jewish Children - And now a 14-year-old Jewish child has paid the price.



 

Words Kill — Especially When Rabbis Speak

When Rav Dov Lando and his peers describe the Jewish state, its soldiers, and its institutions as enemies of Torah, you are not delivering mussar. You are issuing moral permission slips.

You know exactly how this works. Jewish history documents it in blood. When rabbis dehumanize fellow Jews, unstable people hear a heter. When leaders frame fellow Jews as traitors to God, someone always decides that “doing God’s work” requires action.

Stop Hiding Behind Children You Don’t Protect

This is no longer a debate about ideology, theology, or the boundaries of dissent. It is about responsibility. When rabbinic leaders speak in absolutist, delegitimizing language—casting fellow Jews, the Jewish state, or its defenders as enemies of Torah—they are not engaging in abstract thought. They are shaping reality. And now a 14-year-old Jewish child has paid the price.

This did not happen in a vacuum. It happened in an atmosphere deliberately cultivated by senior Haredi leadership, including Rabbi Dov Lando, where words are weaponized and consequences are outsourced. Jewish history teaches one lesson with brutal consistency: when rabbis inflame, the vulnerable suffer first. Not the powerful. Not the ideologues. Children.

Claims of innocence ring hollow. “We never told anyone to do this” is not a defense recognized by Judaism. Halacha does not judge leaders by intent alone but by foreseeable outcomes. Moshe is punished for a single misstep of speech. Eli HaKohen is condemned not for what he did, but for what he failed to stop. Leadership without accountability is not Torah leadership—it is negligence wrapped in sanctity.

When rabbis frame other Jews as spiritual enemies, unstable listeners hear permission. When leaders speak of existential war against fellow Jews, someone always decides that action is required. This is not theory. It is precedent. And pretending surprise when rhetoric metastasizes into harm is either willful blindness or moral dishonesty.

The deeper rot is structural. Much of today’s Haredi leadership has perfected an ideology that externalizes risk. Others fight wars. Others absorb terror. Others bury their dead. Meanwhile, those who speak most recklessly remain insulated—physically, socially, and politically—from the consequences of their own words. This is not mesirus nefesh. It is moral draft-dodging.

Judaism does not permit sacrificing minors on the altar of ideological purity. That is not zealotry for Heaven; it is pagan logic disguised as piety. When Torah language makes Jewish children unsafe, Torah itself is being desecrated. No amount of learning, no pile of responsa, no invocation of “Daas Torah” can launder that stain.

At a moment when Jews face rising global hostility, this rhetoric does something unforgivable: it fractures the Jewish people from within. It teaches that some Jews are holy while others are expendable. That some lives are protected while others are collateral. History does not forgive rabbis who sow internal destruction during crisis. It remembers them precisely—and harshly.

What Torah does not survive is leaders who abandon basic Jewish ethics while claiming divine authority. Recklessness is not courage. Incitement is not faith. And sanctimony is not holiness.

A line has been crossed. A child has already been thrown under the bus of ideology and murdered!.

If Haredi leadership does not immediately and publicly retract dangerous language, condemn rhetoric that endangers minors, and reaffirm that pikuach nefesh overrides all ideology, then responsibility for what comes next is clear. It will not belong to “extremists,” “misinterpretations,” or “the street.” It will belong to the men who spoke recklessly and called it Torah.

Jewish history is unsentimental. It does not forget names. And it does not confuse learning with righteousness.

 

REPUBLISHED

 

https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/to-haredi-leadership-your-mouths-are-endangering-jewish-children/

Wednesday, January 07, 2026

Violent Rhetoric By 95 Year Old Dov Lando - “Let everyone who is complicit in this crime of casting the holy Torah, the Torah of God, behind bars know this: you are not fighting flesh and blood; you are fighting the Torah and the one who gave it, blessed be his name,” the 95-year old rabbi added.

 

Very Seriously Ill Senior ultra-Orthodox rabbi: Those enforcing Haredi draft are fighting against God - Lando Drove The Bus That Murdered This Child!


Rabbi Dov Lando in Bnei Brak, August 21, 2025. (Sam Sokol/Times of Israel)

HORRIBLE DEATH OF DRAFT PROTESTER DIRECTLY RELATED TO LANDO'S MURDEROUS/DEMENTED RHETORIC


Tuesday, January 06, 2026

Rabbis Meet in Lakewood to Discuss the Dangers of Artificial Intelligence


Thirty rabbis gathered in Lakewood this week to confront the gravest threat to Judaism since the invention of the printing press: Artificial Intelligence.

They did not convene to ask whether AI could cure disease, decode ancient manuscripts, or help parnassah-starved families make an honest living. No. They came to save us from the unsupervised thoughts of machines—and, accidentally, from the supervised thoughts of human beings.

The meeting was urgent. A long table, folding chairs, stale rugelach, and a fear thicker than the steam rising from the urn. The agenda was simple: AI is dangerous. Why? Because it answers questions. Because it remembers sources. Because it doesn’t ask permission. And worst of all—it doesn’t know who the gedolim are.

One rabbi opened with a trembling voice: “In our day, Torah was acquired through mesorah. From rebbi to talmid. Today, a bochur asks a box with wires.” Heads nodded gravely.

 No one asked why the same bochur already carries a smartphone, uses Google Maps, orders cholent on an app, and checks the stock market before Shacharis. Technology is fine—until it starts thinking.

Another rav warned that AI can generate divrei Torah in seconds. “What took the Maharsha years,” he thundered, “now takes fifteen seconds and a prompt.” A gasp filled the room. A tragedy. A shanda. Torah without sweat. Torah without hunger. Torah without a landlord banging on the door.

But let’s pause here. Judaism survived the alphabet. It survived paper. It survived the Rambam systematizing the entire Torah in one book. It survived Rashi explaining everything so clearly that even a ten-year-old could learn Chumash. It survived the printing press, which the rabbis of its time also declared dangerous. It even survived Artscroll—barely.

Yet now, suddenly, this is the line? The Almighty, who gave human beings the capacity to reason, invent, calculate, and create—He’s alarmed that a computer can summarize Tosafos?

One rav stood up and said the quiet part out loud: “If people can ask AI questions, they won’t ask us.” Silence. Truth has a way of clearing its throat in the room.

This wasn’t about theology. It wasn’t about emunah. It wasn’t even about halacha. It was about control.

Because AI doesn’t tell you, “That question is inappropriate.”
AI doesn’t say, “You’re not holding there yet.”

AI doesn’t shame you for asking why half the community lives in poverty while leaders fly on private jets to asifos about poverty.

AI answers the question.

And that is intolerable.

Someone warned that AI could expose contradictions between sources. Another fretted that it could show historical context—how certain chumros developed, how politics shaped psak, how power calcified into dogma. One rabbi nearly fainted at the thought of a teenager discovering that “this is how it’s always been” is often historically false.

They spoke about bitul Torah. They did not speak about bitul zman created by a system that keeps men learning without skills, without income, without dignity—while their wives shoulder the burden and their children inherit the anxiety.

They spoke about modesty filters. They did not speak about intellectual honesty filters.

They spoke about protecting the masses. They did not speak about protecting truth.

Outside the room, the world keeps moving. Doctors use AI to detect cancer earlier. Engineers use it to prevent disasters. Historians use it to preserve memory. Even poskim quietly use it—don’t kid yourself. Someone in that room already asked it a question. Probably about Rashi. Probably late at night. Probably with a browser set to incognito.

Here’s the unorthodox truth: AI is not the danger. Fear is.
Fear of losing monopoly. Fear of questions that don’t stop where they’re told. Fear that Judaism, when stripped of coercion and insulation, will demand something harder than obedience—integrity.

Torah has nothing to fear from knowledge. If it does, then something else is being defended in its name.

Thirty rabbis met in Lakewood to warn about Artificial Intelligence. What they should fear is artificial authority—authority propped up by banning questions instead of answering them, by silencing curiosity instead of guiding it, by mistaking gatekeeping for greatness.

The Gemara survived worse than a chatbot.

The question is: will the gatekeepers? 

 

REPUBLISHED

 https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/rabbis-meet-in-lakewood-to-discuss-the-dangers-of-artificial-intelligence/

Monday, January 05, 2026

“When a mustached man ruins a country using oil, the End is near.” Maduro, Gematria, and Moshiach

 

Unorthodox Jew's Point of View


Several rabbonim have now suddenly remembered that their rebbe once muttered something about South America while stirring tea.

“When a mustached man ruins a country using oil, the End is near.”

Was this written down? No.Is there a source? Of course. Do you have the emunah to accept it? That’s on you.

So yes—Maduro’s name adds up to something.

So does the word “sandwich.”

The difference is that sandwiches actually feed people.

מדורו

Now count:

  • מ = 40

  • ד = 4

  • ו = 6

  • ר = 200

  • ו = 6

Total: 256 --- Average weight of every arrested draft dodger in Israel - Talk about "min Hashamayim"

But never fear. Moshiach is coming imminently. If not today, then tomorrow. If not tomorrow, then after one more dictator, one more war.

Maduro controls oil. Oil is shemen. Shemen is used to anoint kings. (Also lights menorahs when Bayis Shlishi is built, imminently!)

Therefore, Maduro is spiritually greasy, which is close enough for redemption purposes.

Also, oil floats to the top. MAD(URO) shLiach ( Mashliach) - Could Be Chabad Guy In Venezuela.

Friday, January 02, 2026

The Obsession With Separating Judaism From Zionism - What Many “Jewish Academics” Have in Common With Yasser Arafat


 

What Many “Jewish Academics” Have in Common With Yasser Arafat

The Obsession With Separating Judaism From Zionism

There is a peculiar spectacle unfolding in Western intellectual life: a cadre of self-described Jewish academics straining, contorting, and moralizing to separate Judaism from Zionism with an intensity that would make Yasser Arafat nod in recognition. They insist—often loudly, always sanctimoniously—that Zionism is a political corruption of a “pure” Judaism, that Jewish national self-defense is a betrayal of Jewish ethics, and that Jewish sovereignty is a historical accident best apologized for, dismantled, or indefinitely placed on moral probation.

They present themselves as courageous dissenters. In reality, they are recycling an old political strategy—one perfected by Arafat and the PLO—now repackaged in the language of seminars, journals, and keynote lectures.

The strategy is simple: deny the Jewish peoplehood claim without denying Jewish existence. Accept Jews as a religion. Reject Jews as a nation. Grant Jews prayers—but not borders. Memory—but not sovereignty. Mourning—but not self-defense.

That is the shared ground.

Arafat understood something that today’s academic anti-Zionists pretend not to: you don’t need to attack Judaism head-on to delegitimize Israel. You merely need to sever Judaism from Jewish peoplehood. Once Jews are reduced to a private faith community—no different than Quakers or Unitarians—the entire Zionist project collapses under its own weight. No nation. No homeland. No army. No claim to self-determination.

Arafat said it openly. Jews are a religion, not a people. Palestine, therefore, belongs to Arabs alone.

Today’s Jewish academics say it politely. Jews are a religion, not a people. Zionism, therefore, is a colonial intrusion.

Same logic. Different accent.

Where Arafat used revolutionary rhetoric, the modern academic uses moral vocabulary. “Universalism.” “Ethics.” “Human rights.” “Decolonization.” These words are wielded not to protect Jews, but to discipline them.

The Jewish state is judged by standards no other nation is required to meet. Jewish self-defense is treated as aggression. Jewish history is reduced to metaphor. Jewish trauma is acknowledged—briefly—before being dismissed as insufficient justification for sovereignty.

And crucially, Jewish power is treated as obscene.

This is the tell.

The discomfort is not with nationalism per se—these same academics routinely excuse or romanticize Palestinian nationalism, Kurdish nationalism, or any nationalism deemed sufficiently “subaltern.” The discomfort is with Jewish nationalism succeeding.

To sustain this position, these academics invent a Judaism that never existed: diasporic, powerless, ethically pristine, and politically inert. A Judaism that prays but never governs. Argues but never fights. Suffers but never wins.

This fantasy Judaism bears no resemblance to Tanach, to Chazal, to medieval Jewish governance, or to modern Jewish history. It is a Judaism tailored for Western approval—safe, aesthetic, and permanently dependent.

In this fantasy, Jews are allowed to exist only as symbols.

Zionism shatters that illusion by insisting Jews are a living people with a land, a language, an army, and the moral burden of power. That burden terrifies academics far more than antisemitism ever has, because it destroys their self-image as enlightened custodians of Jewish conscience.

There is also a darker incentive at work: disavowal as self-protection.

For generations, Jews learned that visibility invites danger. Some academics have internalized this lesson not by hiding their Jewishness, but by weaponizing it against Jewish sovereignty. They present themselves as “the good Jews”—the Jews who apologize, who distance themselves, who reassure the powerful that Jewish power will never threaten moral comfort.

Arafat understood this dynamic perfectly. He cultivated Jewish allies who could speak against Israel with Jewish credibility. Today’s academics continue that tradition, whether they admit it or not.

When Hamas butchers civilians, they rush to contextualize. When Israel responds, they rush to condemn. When Jews are murdered, they mourn cautiously. When Israel defends itself, they moralize aggressively.

This asymmetry is not accidental. It is ideological.

To separate Judaism from Zionism, one must amputate Jewish history. One must pretend exile was voluntary, that return is unnatural, and that Jewish longing for Zion is a poetic metaphor rather than a political reality stretching back three thousand years.

One must ignore that Jews prayed toward Jerusalem, legislated for sovereignty, and never once imagined exile as ideal. One must rewrite Jewish survival as evidence against Jewish self-determination.

This is not scholarship. It is theology in academic drag.

And like all bad theology, it requires heresy trials. Jews who refuse the separation—who insist Zionism is not a betrayal of Judaism but its historical consequence—are labeled extremists, ethnonationalists, or worse.

Arafat called them occupiers. The academy calls them immoral.

This debate is not abstract. On October 7, the fantasy collapsed. Jews were slaughtered not for Israeli policy debates, but for existing as Jews in their ancestral land. The response from many Jewish academics was not outrage, but equivocation.

That should have ended the argument.

If Zionism were merely a political choice, antisemitism would distinguish between Zionist and non-Zionist Jews. It does not. It never has.

Those who still insist on separation after October 7 are not naive. They are committed.

The final irony is this: the very academics who claim to be protecting Judaism are actively hollowing it out. A Judaism stripped of peoplehood, land, memory, and responsibility is not a moral triumph. It is a museum artifact.

Arafat wanted Jews dissolved into history. These academics want Jews dissolved into ethics.

Both deny the same truth: Judaism without Zionism is not Judaism as it lived, survived, or understood itself. It is Judaism as others find it most convenient.

And Jews have already lived through the consequences of being convenient.

Enough.

Zionism is not a deviation from Judaism. It is Judaism refusing to die quietly.

 

REPUBLISHED

 

https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/what-some-jewish-academics-have-in-common-with-yasser-arafat/

Monday, December 08, 2025

Friday, December 05, 2025

The American Night Is Growing Increasingly Dangerous

 

 "Defend and protect your children from all harm, physical, emotional and spiritual."  



I grew up in the shadow of a man I never had the privilege to meet, but whose name and fire were spoken about in my home with a reverence normally reserved for prophets. I carry his name with the fear that I have not done enough to carry his legacy forward. My grandfather, Rabbi Shraga Feivel Mendlowitz, was not merely a builder of institutions—though he built the most consequential Torah structures in American history. He was not merely a teacher—though he taught a generation of future leaders who would shape the spiritual destiny of American Jewry. He was not merely a visionary—though his vision reached decades beyond his lifetime. What he truly was—and what many people still fail to grasp—is that he was a survivor of one world who came to save another.

His eyes were European eyes, forged in a Hungary that sleepwalked into antisemitic catastrophe. His mind was a Mussar mind, trained to see danger not at the moment it erupts, but at the moment it germinates. His heart was a Chassidic heart, filled with fierce love for every Jew, especially those drifting dangerously far from their own heritage. And his mission—his entire earthly task—was to prevent America from repeating Europe’s mistakes.

Today, as the political and ideological currents in America turn ominous, as antisemitism rises with a speed that should terrify anyone with historical memory, and as figures like Zohran Mamdani ascend to public office by running explicitly on anti-Jewish narratives, I find my grandfather’s teachings not quaint, not old-world, not outdated—but frighteningly current. I can feel his warnings pulsing beneath today’s headlines. I can hear the echo of his storm-sensing instincts vibrating beneath today’s political rhetoric. And I know, with absolute certainty, what he would say to us now.

What follows is not a fantasy reconstruction. It is not a fictional monologue. It is not an attempt to put words into his mouth. It is a synthesis—based strictly on documented statements preserved by my illustrious family, Torah Vodaath archives, oral traditions recorded by his talmidim, testimonies from Gedolim who knew him, and the worldview he articulated in the Mussar discourses and strategic decisions that shaped Jewish life in America.

This is the essay my grandfather would demand be written.

If my grandfather were alive today, his voice would not be soft. It would not be gentle. It would not be approving. It would be a thunderstorm breaking over a generation too complacent to recognize the smell of rain.

He would begin, as he often did, by reminding us that the Jew who forgets history is the Jew who repeats it.

“I have seen this before,” he would say. “And I fear I am seeing it again. I was born into a world that believed itself immune to catastrophe. A world that believed progress was irreversible, that stability was woven into the fabric of modern life. A world where Jews walked proudly, confidently, even arrogantly, believing themselves secure. And that world collapsed with a speed that left entire communities gasping for breath. You think America is different. Every Jew in Europe once said the same.”

He would speak not as a pessimist but as a realist—one who understood that history does not announce itself politely. When he declared, many times, “Golus America iz oich golus—America is also exile,” he was not speaking poetically; he was issuing a strategic warning. When he insisted that without a vast network of Torah schools, America’s Jews would spiritually dissolve, he was not theorizing; he was diagnosing. And when he said that if Torah does not grow here, the Jew will not survive here, he was not speaking about metaphysics; he was speaking about sociology, politics, history, and the raw instincts of a man who had seen the ground shift beneath Jewish feet before.

His Mussar was not theoretical. It was geopolitical. His warnings were not abstract. They were precise. His urgency was not emotional. It was prophetic.

And if he were standing here today, witnessing the ideological radicalization of American universities, the normalization of anti-Jewish rhetoric in politics, the demonization of Israel, the re-emergence of blood-libel-style narratives in progressive discourse, and the rise of openly anti-Jewish politicians like Zohran Mamdani, he would not hesitate.

He would say: “The signs are all the same. The danger is already here. The storm has already begun.”

To understand the severity of the moment, we must first abandon the comforting myth that America is immune to the diseases of Europe. My grandfather understood that the American experiment—while miraculous—was not metaphysically guaranteed. He appreciated its blessings while remaining alert to its potential dangers. He believed in America, but he never worshiped it. He loved its freedoms, but he did not trust its permanence. He built Torah institutions knowing full well that nations, like individuals, often lose their moral balance long before they fall.

What we see today in America is not a new phenomenon. It is old hatred wearing new clothing. The intellectual frameworks that now justify antisemitism—anti-Zionism, anti-colonial discourse, intersectional ideology—are simply modernized versions of the same narratives that fueled hatred in Europe.

In the 1920s and 1930s, European antisemitism did not begin with violence. It began with rhetoric, with professors, with journalists, with cultural elites who believed themselves morally enlightened as they demonized Jews. It began with radicals who accused Jews of controlling institutions, exploiting the economy, and corrupting society. It began with politicians who discovered that blaming Jews brought easy applause.

Today’s America is repeating those patterns with startling fidelity.

When university students chant for the destruction of the Jewish state, they are reenacting the student mobs of pre-war Europe. When activists rewrite Jewish history to transform Jews into colonial oppressors, they are re-performing the political theater that preceded catastrophe in Poland and Germany. When newspapers give sympathetic platforms to Hamas justifications for murder, they are playing the same role their European counterparts played in the 1930s—providing ideological legitimacy to violence.

And when a man like Zohran Mamdani is elected to public office despite (and sometimes because of) his explicit anti-Jewish rhetoric, America has crossed into historically recognizable territory.

Let us speak plainly. My grandfather would have.

Zohran Mamdani is not unique. He is not new. He is not surprising. He is a familiar figure in Jewish history—the ideological purist who views Jews not as individuals but as symbols of everything he opposes. His worldview is not organic; it is inherited from earlier revolutionary movements that saw the Jew as an obstacle to utopia. In the 1920s, his counterparts raged in Hungary. In the 1930s, in Poland. In the 1940s, in Egypt and Iraq. In each case, they used moralistic language to justify political extremism. In each case, Jews became the convenient target.

This is not conjecture. It is historical pattern.

My grandfather would identify Mamdani instantly: a man intoxicated by ideology, incapable of nuance, uninterested in truth, and drawn to the dangerous thrill of simplistic political narratives. He would say that such men do not need to be majority figures to be dangerous; they simply need to be tolerated. They are accelerants—political kerosene waiting for a spark.

And he would say, without hesitation: “History does not begin with men like him, but it often ends with them.”


TORAH VODAATH — THE MODEL AMERICA FAILED TO FOLLOW


My grandfather did not build Torah Vodaath to be merely another yeshiva. He built it to be the spine of American Torah life. He believed that a weak Torah community produces a confused Jewish community, and a confused Jewish community becomes politically vulnerable.

Torah Vodaath taught its talmidim to think historically, morally, and strategically. It produced leaders like Rav Yaakov Kamenetsky, Rav Shlomo Heiman, Rav Avraham Pam, Rav Yitzchak Sheiner, and others who carried within them a clarity that America desperately needed. Secular education was an important tool to understand and navigate the troubled world. Science, mathematics, history...all were desperately vital to see the entirety of the world Hashem created.

But America, even as it benefited from their leadership, did not absorb the lesson fully: Torah is not simply a religious practice; it is a shield against societal collapse. When the nation around you loses its moral compass, Torah becomes the only compass left.

Today, America has descended into ideological hysteria. It has lost the sense of objective truth, stable social norms, and moral seriousness. This is not a political problem—it is a civilizational one. And Jews who depend on the stability of their host society should be terrified by this.

My grandfather understood this better than anyone of his generation.

The founding of Torah Umesorah is one of his boldest acts of Jewish statesmanship in modern history. It was not merely an educational project. It was a response to catastrophe. My grandfather saw Europe collapse not because Jews lacked synagogues or yeshivas but because millions of Jewish children were educated by systems hostile to their identity. The naysayers ridiculed him, the idea of every Jewish child a Jewish education was folly they said. Orthodox Judaism exists in America because hundreds of thousands of Jewish children received a full undiluted Jewish education.

He vowed that America would not repeat that mistake.

He believed, with an intensity that shaped his entire life, that a Jewish child raised without Torah is a Jewish child raised without defenses. He said repeatedly that every Torah school is a fortress, every rebbe is a guardian, every classroom is a bulwark against spiritual assimilation and societal madness.

Today, as American public schools become conduits for anti-Jewish ideology—through curricula shaped by activists, teachers who demonize Israel, students encouraged to view Jews as oppressors—the correctness of his vision is no longer theoretical. It is observable.

He built Torah Umesorah for this exact moment.

 And many Jews still refuse to see it.The Rambam understood political and spiritual collapse with acuity few thinkers have ever matched.His writings constitute not only halachic texts but guides for national survival.

In Hilchos Teshuvah, Perek 7, the Rambam warns that the Jew in times of turmoil must be awake, courageous, and immune to the seductions of the majority. Confusion, he teaches, is the tool of evil. The one who succumbs to it becomes a participant in his own downfall.

In Iggeres Teiman, the Rambam describes the psychological condition of a society overtaken by false ideologies, where self-righteous movements weaponize moral language to justify hatred. He warns that Jews must resist not only physical persecution but intellectual seduction. The parallels to our moment are painful in their precision.

In Hilchos Melachim, the Rambam outlines the conditions before redemption: nations rising and falling quickly, ideological extremism, moral confusion, the collapse of institutions, and global instability. We are not obligated to assign prophetic meaning to current events—but we are obligated to recognize when history is behaving in familiar patterns.

My grandfather lived in the Rambam’s world. He interpreted America through the Rambam’s lens.

My grandfather saw the rise of radicals who used moral rhetoric to justify hatred. He watched educated elites support antisemitic policies because they believed Jews represented the wrong side of progress. He saw university students become foot soldiers of extremist movements. And he watched Jews reassure themselves that assimilation, patriotism, or economic success would protect them.

Today’s America replicates Hungary’s ideological climate with chilling precision. The anti-Jewish campus activism, the intellectualization of hatred, the political rewards for scapegoating Jews—these are the exact early steps that preceded catastrophe.

Poland’s antisemitism did not begin with violence; it began with narratives. It began with the accusation that Jews were privileged, powerful, foreign, exploitative. It began with the claim that Jews controlled institutions and corrupted national identity.

The modern American progressive movement has adopted these same narratives verbatim, merely replacing old terminology with “privilege,” “colonialism,” “whiteness,” and “systems of oppression.”

Germany teaches the most important lesson of all: the speed at which a society can collapse. Civilized people, cultured people, intellectual people can transform into barbarians with shocking speed once ideology outpaces morality.

America is not exempt from this pattern. No nation in history has been.

If my grandfather were alive today, he would not mince words. He would say:

“You are living in a society losing its moral stability. You must not assume safety. You must not depend on political parties. You must not place your trust in the goodwill of ideologues. You must strengthen your Torah schools. You must fortify your communities with clarity, courage, and unity. You must read the times correctly. You must not be naïve.”

He would warn that American Jews are repeating the mistakes of European Jews: internal division, overconfidence in political alliances, dependence on unstable institutions, and failure to recognize ideological danger early.

He would say that without Torah, American Jews will drift into confusion; and once a community becomes confused, it becomes easy to scapegoat, easy to marginalize, easy to target.

My grandfather would not address Mamdani as a politician but as a moral actor. He would say:

“You are dangerous not because you are strong, but because you are reckless. Not because you hate Jews, but because you have sanctified hatred. Not because you lead, but because you blind. If you lived in my Europe, you would have been the warm-up act for catastrophe.” And he would add: “History will judge you. And so will Heaven.”

His final message would be the same one he carried from Europe to America:


“Do not say it cannot happen here. Every nation is different—until the moment it is the same. Build schools. Strengthen Torah. Unite your people. Defend and protect your children from all harm, physical, emotional and spiritual.  Recognize danger while it is still early. And remember that the only true protection of the Jewish people is their own strength, their own Torah, and their own unity."

I write this not as a historian, not as a political commentator, and not as an alarmist. I write as a grandson speaking from inherited memory. I grew up surrounded by the echoes of my grandfather’s warnings, his vision, his urgency. And I look at America today and see, with painful clarity, that we have entered the exact type of moment he feared most.

This essay is not just a tribute. It is a call. A call to alertness. A call to moral clarity.

The night is growing dangerous. The shadows are long. But my grandfather believed—always—that Torah values and wisdom can bring the dawn.

May we be worthy of that dawn.


REPUBLISHED

https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/the-american-night-is-growing-increasingly-dangerous/